• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.5
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• pp.217-229
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• 2007

Many historical research and facet about modern art in Indonesia which formulating background of contemporary Indonesian Art. Indonesian art critic Sanento Yuliman states that Modern art has been rapidly developing in Indonesia since the Indonesian Independence in 1945. Modern Art is a part of the super culture of the Indonesian metropolitan and is closely related to the contact between the Indonesian and Western Cultures. Its birth was part of the nationalism project, when the Indonesian people consists of various ethnics were determined to become a new nation, the Indonesian nation, and they wished for a new culture, and therefore, a new art. The period 1960s, which was the beginning of the creation and development of the painters and the painters associations, was the first stage of the development of modern art in Indonesia. The second stage showed the important role of the higher education institutes for art. These institutes have developed since the 1950s and in the 1970s they were the main education institutes for painters and other artists. The artists awareness of the medium, forms or the organization of shapes were encouraged more intensely and these encouraged the exploring and experimental attitudes. Meanwhile, the information about the world's modern art, particularly Western Art; was widely and rapidly spread. The 1960s and 1970s were marked by the development of various abstractions and abstract art and the great number of explorations in various new media, like the experiment with collage, assemblage, mixed media. The works of the Neo Art Movement-group in the second half of the 1970s and in the 1980s shows environmental art and installations, influenced by the elements of popular art, from the commercial world and mass media, as well as the involvement of art in the social and environmental affairs. The issues about the environment, frequently launched by the intellectuals in the period of economic development starting in the 1970s, echoed among the artists, and they were widened in the social, art and cultural circles. The Indonesian economic development following the important change in the 1970s has caused a change in the life of the middle and upper class society, as has the change in various aspects of a big city, particularly Jakarta. The new genre emerged in 1975 which indicates contemporary art in Indonesia, when a group of young artists organized a movement, which was widely known as the Indonesian New Art Movement. This movement criticized international style, universalism and the long standing debate on an east-west-dichotomy. As far as the actual practice of the arts was concerned the movement criticized the domination of the art of painting and saw this as a sign of stagnation in Indonesian art development. Based on this criticism 'the movement' introduced ready-mades and installations (Jim Supangkat). Takes almost two decades that the New Art Movement activists were establishing Indonesian Installation art genre as contemporary paradigm and influenced the 1980's gene ration like, FX Harsono, Dadang Christanto, Arahmaiani, Tisna Sanjaya, Diyanto, Andarmanik, entering the 1990's decade as "rebellion period" ; reject towards established aesthetic mainstream i.e. painting, sculpture, graphic art which are insufficient to express "new language" and artistic needs especially to mediate social politic and cultural situation. Installation Art which contains open possibilities of creation become a vehicle for aesthetic establishment rejection and social politics stagnant expression in 1990s. Installation art accommodates two major field; first, the rejection of aesthetic establishment has a consequences an artists quest for medium; deconstruction models and cross disciplines into multi and intermedia i.e. performance, music, video etc. Second aspect is artists' social politic intention for changes, both conclude as characteristics of Indonesian Installation Art and establishing the freedom of expression in contemporary Indonesian Art until today.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.75-102
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• 2018

Manjungpan Chunhyangga is established by Manjung Kim Sohee. She selectively chose and arranged the songs by Jung Jungryeol, Song Mangap, Jung Eungmin, Kim Yeonsoo, Park Dongsil, and Jung Kwangsil. Kim Sohee once stated that while a major section of Chunhyangga is based on the songs by Jung Jungryeol, Song Mangap, Jung Eungmin, and Kim Yeonsoo, the whole part of Okjungga is derived from Park Dongsil. However, there is not much material that will provide enough information with regard to what musical characteristics Park Dongsilje Chunhyangga possessed. Under the circumstances, the voice of Park Dongsilje, left by Kim Sohee, triggers curiosity on Park Dongsilje Chunhyangga. It can also be construed that there must be a good reason for choosing Park Dongsilje for Okjungga, unlike other parts. Therefore, this paper attempted to find out what the unique features of Par Dongsilje are and what the reasons behind Kim Sohee's musical choice were through comparison and analysis of Kim Sohee's musical features in Okjungga. The following are the results. Firstly, Okjungga is a created verse by its nature and it does not possess specific features to a school. Therefore, the reason for choosing Park Dongsilje could have been based on musical reason rather than verse. Secondly, the lyrics of Park Dongsilje Okjungga is closer to that of Song Mangap rather than that of Jung Jungryeolje. It can be argued that it falls between the two of them. Thirdly, the tone and melody of Park Dongsilje Okjungga falls in the middle section of Dongpyenje and Supyenje. Fourthly, the analysis of Jinyangjo rhythm out of the whole Manjungpan Chunhyangga shows that there are slight differences among Song Mangapje, Jung Jungryeolje, and Jung Eungminje. Park Dongsilje is very unique in the sense that it does not use utbutim in gyemyeonjo part in Manjungpan Chunhyangga. Park Dongsilje Okjungga is a song to which the tone, melody, and sigimsae of Supyeonje is added to lyric butimsae of Dongpyeonje. It can be seemed as simple and less sophisticated because, with its simple lyric butimsae, it shows a less complicated tone utilization rather than Jung Jungryeol. With lighter decoration of music, feelings can be conveyed more directly. That is probably why Kim Sohee commented on Park Dongsilje Chunhyangga that it is the most mournful song for Chunhyang and it is the song that moves anyone who listens to the song. Consequently, Kim Sohee accepted Park Dongsilje Okjungga and she created different feelings to Manjungpan Chunhyangga which has repeatedly displayed the color of Jung Jungryeol. Combining the lyric addition of Dongpyeon style and the melody of Supyeon style can crated a different language.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.40
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• pp.357-386
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• 2007

At present, thirteen Buddhist bells of Unified Silla are known to the world: Six in Korea, five in Japan and two other bells, and three out of them are impossible to make out its original form. Therefore, we divided the form of Unified Silla Buddhist bells based on the ten other bells, and we tried out to prove the manufacturing technology by the comparison of the research material of Uncheon-dong bell and existing research materials of other bells, in other to find their linkage based on the alloy elemental composition. We divided Unified Silla Buddhist bell into two types: Type I has symmetric apsaras and regular patterns on its face and it was made in early Silla period; type II has asymmetric apsaras and irregular pattern arrangement and made in late Silla period. In particular, Uncheon-dong Buddhist bells is very similar to Komyoji[光明寺] temple bell from ninth century in Japan. It is peculiar that the apsaras on Uncheon-dong bell play vertical music instruments that are never seen in Unified Silla Buddhist bell. Most of Unified Silla Buddhist bell are compounded with Cu-Sn or Cu-Sn-Pb system. From eighth and ninth century, bells were cast with even composition of copper, tin and lead, and the bronze alloy ratio was similar to the record in Gogonggi[考工記], Jurye[周禮], a book from ancient China. Particularly, Uncheon-dong bell is in a rare case of Cu-Sn-Pb-As system. As had been rarely used in Unified Silla Buddhist bells, so we presented the relative research materials. As has the same nature as Pb. Because As easily volatilize at high temperature, it is hard to use. But it has its merit of solidity and durability. Pb enhances fluidity and thereby expresses the patterns more distinct; As makes the bell stronger. The result of lead isotope ratio could not exactly reveal a concrete producing center. However, over the analysis of our samples, hereby we suggest Uncheon-dong bell was made of materials from just one ore deposit.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.43-107
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• 2005

A ritual ceremony accompanied by a song and dance is called as Kagura in Japan. The word Kagura is originally derived from Kamukura, which means the place where spirits reside. However, later it came to refer to the whole process of the ritual ceremony itself. Through the field studies, this paper examines Takachiho-kagura, helded in Takachiho, known as the village of myths, located in northern Miyazaki-ken in Japan. Kagura takes place all night through in each and every village in Takachiho and it normally runs from the end of November when the harvest season ends until early February the next year. One ordinary house is especially chosen for this ceremony, in which Kagura performs 33 repertoires. Takachiho-kagura is sometimes called as Yokagura, since the performance takes place over-night. A song and dance is performed by ordinary village people called hoshyadong, who inherited Takachiho-kagura. Currently, the ceremony is held in more than 20 villages and designated by the government as "Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property" in Japan. Takachiho-kagura follows the example of rituals held in Sada shrine in Izumo, which is now eastern Hiroshima-ken. It is the dance using a bell, a sword, a fan, which signify Norimono and is usually combined with mask-play called as Shinno. From the shrine of village, itwelcomes the gods who defense their village, called Ujikami and other 8 million gods, called Yaoyorozunokami, in Kagurayado, where Kagura of 33 repertoires is played in order. Kagura starts from dances for attendance of the gods, Hikomai, Daidono, Kamioroshi, performs dances of Amanoiwato, the gate of heaven's cave in Japanese myths, Dazikara, Uzume, Dotori, and continues dances for the old ghosts Shibahiki, Yatsubachi mixed with acrobatics. Finally, this performance ends with dances to send off the gods, Hinomae, Gurioroshi, Gumooroshi, until the dawn the next morning. This paper explores Takachiho-kagura from the perspective of folk performance with ethnography. These days, ecstasy and oracle do not happen in Takachiho-kagura. However, it kept the old form of folk performance as Kagura held in ordinary house. Especially, in Takachiho, remarkable venue of the Japanese myths, Takachiho-kagura is developed artistically. The first field study was held in Gokamura, Iwato-zone and Ashakabe, Mitai-zone between December 6th and December 12th 1997. Afterwards, the second field study was conducted in the area of Shiba and Ashakabe from December 17th until December 19th 1997 and from December 1st until December 10th 2000.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.191-227
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• 2021

In this study, values of truth and good are expressed in the form of beauty, and truth and good are analyzed from an aesthetic point of view. This enables an assessment of how truth is expressed and presented as an "aesthetic" in Daesoon Thought. Therefore, an approach to faith in Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會) can be presented via traditional aesthetics or theological aesthetics that reflect on sense experience, feelings, and beauty. The concept of beauty in Daesoon Thought which focuses on The Canonical Scripture appears in keywords used in Daesoon Thought such as divine nature (神性), the pattern of Dao (道理), the singularly-focused mind (一心), and relationships (關係). Therein, one can find sublimation, symmetry, moderation, and harmony. The aesthetic features of Daesoon Thought, when considered as an aesthetic system can formulate thinking regarding the aesthetics of 'Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' (天地公事), the aesthetics of Mutual Beneficence (相生), and the aesthetics of healing. The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth contain a record of the Supreme God visiting the world as a human being. The realization that the human figure, Kang Jeungsan (1871-1909), is the Supreme God, Sangje (上帝), is the shocking aesthetic motif and theological starting point of the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. Mutual Beneficence can be seen aesthetically as indicating the sociality of mutual relations, and there is an aesthetic structure of Mutual Beneficence in the harmony and unification of those relations. Healing can be said to contain the sacred sublimation of Sangje, and moderation is a form of beauty that makes humans move toward Quieting the mind and Quieting the body (安心·安身), the Dharma of Presiding over Cures (醫統), and the ultimate value of healing, which is the end point of the Cultivation (修道) wherein one realizes that the ideals of humankind and the aesthetics of healing bestow the spiritual pleasures of a beautiful and valuable life. The aesthetic characteristics of Daesoon Thought demonstrate an aesthetic attitude that leads to healing through Sangje's Holy Works and the practice of Mutual Beneficence (相生) which were performed when He stayed with us to vastly save all beings throughout the Three Realms that teetered on the brink of extinction. It is not uncommon to see a beautiful woman and remark she is like a goddess (女神) or female immortal (仙女). Likewise, beautiful music is often praised as "the sound of heaven." That which fills us with joy is spoken of as "divine beings (神明)" of God. God is a symbol of beauty, and the world of God can be said to be the archetype of beauty. Experience of beauty guides our souls to God. The aesthetic experience of Daesoon Thought is a religious experience that culminates in emotional, intellectual, and spiritual joy, and it is an aesthetic experience that recognizes transcendent beauty.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.87-102
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to develop regional dance contents in order to receive attention from the region and re-illuminate the peacock fan, the intangible cultural property of Seocheon, Chungnam, which has been preserved in history and has been preserved in the face of rapid urbanization and modernization. The representative four series are composed of one-person dance, two-person dance, military dance, and creative dance. The titles of each piece are basic dance , male and female love dance , military dance , and finally Korean creative dance . The commonality of the four series is the traditional dance using peacock fan, and each dance showed unique emotion and atmosphere through different themes and music, costumes, and stages. It was found that the development of regional dance contents re-created reflecting the characteristics of regional cultural heritage should create an environment that can be steadily revitalized through modernization. Through this study, it was found that the intangible cultural properties, which are our traditional cultural resources, have unlimited potential to contribute to enhancing regional and national competitiveness along with the growth potential of regional differentiation. Through such research, if existing cultural resources are preserved for globalization and produced as contents that can be easily accessed by the public, various contents besides regional dance using regional unique culture can be developed and utilized.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.193-222
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• 2020

In this study, the development of traditional contents is to be enabled to succeed the values of the heritage on the song sang during dry-field farming of Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori. In addition, the identity on the heritage of songs sang during farming were diagnosed, and their value in context with the history and the value as the community for succession are emphasized as the value of cultural asset to expand the discussion up to the level of traditional cultural industry works. In the Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori, the intrinsic artistic value, the excellence of value as the educational experience, factor for overcoming the extinction of farming songs, and the promotion direction of the storytelling on buckwheat were provided. This is breaking from the formalization and being old-fashioned on the Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori to focus on the symbolization of the agricultural heritage in the modern context, habituating and spreading the gene of slash-and-burn field (hwajeon or budaeki). In terms of methodology on awareness, historicity or creativity, alternative method on the folk songs in labor was provided by having critical mind on the Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori and buckwheat songs. By reviewing the field contextualization of designating the intangible cultural asset, suggestions were made on activating the succession, and even the method of symbolic registration on the heritage of buckwheat farming was mentioned. Heritage on agricultural culture that can represent Pyeongchang and Gangwon must be discovered to be made into a brand. In addition, the uniqueness in the Madang 'Song Madaengi Traditional Music' must be found to apply as the brand on the point in which the people around the world can have consensus for utilization. As the farming song, rediscovery of the Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori is required to create the sustainable status as the multi-purpose cultural contents and provide the network of professionals for activating the folk songs to enable the opportunity of qualitative substantiality and spread instead of quantitative growth. In addition, festivals for each region, especially the festival for Pyeongchang area must be utilized centrally on the development of farming songs to organize the storytelling actively.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.79-120
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• 2021

Nagyangchun is a Dangak that has been handed down to the present time with Boheoja as a Saak of the Song Dynasty which was introduced in the Goryeo Dynasty. The title and lyrics of Nagyangchun are conveyed in the Dangakjo of Goryeosa-akji and the Jeungbomunheonbigo. The remaining scores containing Nagyangchun include Akjangyoram, Sogagwonbo Vol.4 and Vol.6 of the Joseon Dynasty and Aakbu-akbo, the 6th Aaksaeng-gyogwacheol, Leewangjikaakbu-oseonakbo during the Japanese colonial period. Besides, the current melody of Nagyangchun is based on Hangugeumak and Gugakjeonjib published by the National Gugak Center. This paper aims to examine how Nagyangchun, which is currently being performed at the National Gugak Center, went through the process of change to have the same structure and form as it is now using these scores as a research subject. The study results are summarized as follows. First, the song of Nagyangchun, which was originally Saak but transmitted as an instrumental piece without lyrics, first appeared in the Hangugeumak Vol.16 and Gugakjeonjib Vol.7 published by the National Gugak Center in 1978 and 1979. In this process, the Janggu added by Kim Ki-soo is now disappearing and is replaced by Jwago. Second, though the five notes of 黃, 太, 仲, 林, and 南 have been maintained unchanged since the Akjangyoram, the pitch of 無/應 and 夾/姑, which appear once each, gradually rises and is unified into 應 and 姑 during the period of Aaksaeng-gyogwacheol or at the latest Leewangjikaakbu-oseonakbo, and reached the present. Third, the current melody of Nagyangchun consists of a structure in which the tones and range of each phrase rises within the form of Mijeonsa (a·b·c·d) and Mihusa (e·b'·c'·d'). Particularly, except for the a-type and e-type melodies, which are the introduction for the Mijeonsa and Mihusa, the remaining melodic types show a gradually descending structure within the corresponding phrase, so the structure of ascending and descending is generally in harmony. Forth, the Ganeum that appeared from Aakbu-akbo are currently classified into seven types, and they appear in ascending pitches of 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th and play a role in smoothly or fluently connecting melodic progression. Fifth, after Akjangyoram, Nagyangchun, which had been handed down as an instrumental piece without lyrics, was restored in 1960 by Lee Hye-gu, and is being passed down as the form of male and female vocals added to the instrumental accompaniment. As a result of examining the current Nagyangchun, which was formed through the process of change after Akjangyoram, it was found that there were tasks that required reconsideration of the current Nagyangchun, which is being played at the National Gugak Center, such as the arrangement of Janggu, the identification of the key, and the investigation of the lyrics. When follow-up studies are continued in the future, it will be able to contribute to the cultural transmission of Nagyangchun.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.107-146
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• 2021

This article examined the current status of performance activities in the theaters in Ulsan during the Japanese colonial period, and examined the characteristics and social roles of performance culture at that time.,The cultural space during the Japanese colonial period can be divided into theater space and semi-theater space.,The theater spaces in Ulsan include Daejeonggwan, Sangbanggwan, and Ulsan Theater. The semi-theater spaces include Ulsan Youth Center, Ulsan Youth Alliance Hall, Barrack Youth Hall, Eonyang Youth Alliance Hall, Eonyang Christian Hall, Eonyang Christian Hall, Eonyang Inn, Eonyang Public Inn, Eonyang Public Normal School, Seosaeng School, Ulsan Public Aid Auditorium, Night school.,These spaces not only held events or performances for a specific purpose, but also played a role as public spaces producing local discourse. The theater was a complex cultural space where performances are performed along with movie performances, and artists and audiences meet.,Furthermore, the theater provided a special experience of producing and consuming various issues such as colonial modernization, modern city formation, and the emergence of new popular culture beyond the meaning of stage space.,The theaters in Ulsan also functioned as a space to represent the foreign culture acceptance, leisure activities, the performance and viewing of cultural contents, and the artistic skills of local artists in accordance with the purpose of establishing local theaters.,It was a base space for local discourse production and enjoyment activities by holding political rallies, meetings, lecture activities, and various conferences.,Political rallies were also concerts, enlightenment activities were also accompanied by film screenings, and music performances were associated with dance performances and charity gatherings.,In particular, Ulsan Theater, which is the first theater in Ulsan, and the role of the public hall, held a lecture, debate, and oratory for public enlightenment along with performances such as musical drama, children's song contest, fairy tale contest, small-sized play performance,, It was widely used as a large-scale rallying place, and served as a public hall, such as a place to visit outside theaters. Thus, the theater and semi-theater space in Ulsan during the Japanese colonial period improved the cultural level of the region, fulfilling the aesthetic needs of the local people and faithfully fulfilling the social role as a public sphere leading the public opinion and agenda.,And it was also positioned as an alternative public area of ​​modern society and also played a role as a public institution.