• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.4
• /
• pp.44-65
• /
• 2018

This study examined the costumes of the characters in the painting titled Hig yongru Banghwoedo, which was designated as National Treasure No. 1879 in September 2015, and is currently kept in the Dongguk University Museum. The painting depicts a social gathering of Joseon aristocrats held at the higyongru, or watch tower, of the Gwangjumok, a government office, in 1567. It is characterized by the delicate illustration of the government officials, the main characters of the gathering, and the hyangri, ajeon, najang, chorye, akgong, and yeogi, the lower-class employees of the office. In order to investigate the costumes they wore, diverse materials including literature, costume artifacts, and paintings were used as reference sources. The scope of the study was limited to the characters' headdress and gown, and the accessories attached to the former. The study of men's clothing revealed that officials wore a samo and a red dalryeong as basic attire. In addition, it is presumed that they wore a belt indicating their official rank in the hierarchy, and a pair of black shoes. Retired officials wore a heuklip wrapped in horsehair or silk fabric with a red jing-nyeong and a doah. The hyangri wore a heukjukbanglip on their head, as well as a white jing-nyeong and a belted doah. In the Goryeo period, the banglip was a type of official headdress worn by members of the aristocratic elite ranked immediately below the king, but in Joseon it was demoted as the official headgear of the hyangri class, which was confirmed through Higyongru Banghwoedo. The ajeon wore a heuklip on their head, and a white jing-nyeong and a doah at the waist. As a rule, the najang wore a chogun on the head, and a banbieui on cheolrik and chungmokdai, but the najang in Higyongru Banghwoedo are depicted wearing a chogun and a cheolrik without a banbieui. Also, the chorye wore a heuklip wrapped in hemp cloth with a red cheolrik, whereas the akgong wore a somoja and a red cheolrik. Female entertainers, both adults and children, are depicted in the painting as either serving the aristocrats, dancing, or playing a musical instrument, wearing their hair in a voluminous, round, high bun, and dressed in a red daiyo, a hwangjangsam with a straight or reclined collar, and a belt. Notably, the donggi, i.e. young gisaeng, are shown wearing their hair in two short braids, and ddressed in a red gown with a y-shaped collar, or po.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.38
• /
• pp.43-107
• /
• 2005

A ritual ceremony accompanied by a song and dance is called as Kagura in Japan. The word Kagura is originally derived from Kamukura, which means the place where spirits reside. However, later it came to refer to the whole process of the ritual ceremony itself. Through the field studies, this paper examines Takachiho-kagura, helded in Takachiho, known as the village of myths, located in northern Miyazaki-ken in Japan. Kagura takes place all night through in each and every village in Takachiho and it normally runs from the end of November when the harvest season ends until early February the next year. One ordinary house is especially chosen for this ceremony, in which Kagura performs 33 repertoires. Takachiho-kagura is sometimes called as Yokagura, since the performance takes place over-night. A song and dance is performed by ordinary village people called hoshyadong, who inherited Takachiho-kagura. Currently, the ceremony is held in more than 20 villages and designated by the government as "Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property" in Japan. Takachiho-kagura follows the example of rituals held in Sada shrine in Izumo, which is now eastern Hiroshima-ken. It is the dance using a bell, a sword, a fan, which signify Norimono and is usually combined with mask-play called as Shinno. From the shrine of village, itwelcomes the gods who defense their village, called Ujikami and other 8 million gods, called Yaoyorozunokami, in Kagurayado, where Kagura of 33 repertoires is played in order. Kagura starts from dances for attendance of the gods, Hikomai, Daidono, Kamioroshi, performs dances of Amanoiwato, the gate of heaven's cave in Japanese myths, Dazikara, Uzume, Dotori, and continues dances for the old ghosts Shibahiki, Yatsubachi mixed with acrobatics. Finally, this performance ends with dances to send off the gods, Hinomae, Gurioroshi, Gumooroshi, until the dawn the next morning. This paper explores Takachiho-kagura from the perspective of folk performance with ethnography. These days, ecstasy and oracle do not happen in Takachiho-kagura. However, it kept the old form of folk performance as Kagura held in ordinary house. Especially, in Takachiho, remarkable venue of the Japanese myths, Takachiho-kagura is developed artistically. The first field study was held in Gokamura, Iwato-zone and Ashakabe, Mitai-zone between December 6th and December 12th 1997. Afterwards, the second field study was conducted in the area of Shiba and Ashakabe from December 17th until December 19th 1997 and from December 1st until December 10th 2000.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.465-488
• /
• 2016

This paper attempts to read in different ways and to interpret newly on Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa in "Sam-guk-yu-sa". Ulsan have held Cheoyong Cultural Festival for 47 times according to "Sam-guk-yu-sa". However, there have been a frequent identity crisis about Cheoyong Cultural Festival because of controversial issue about Cheoyong, This paper interpretate Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa newly to overcome these crisis, Cheoyong's dancing and retreating was not the resignation and tolerance, but the treat and warning, as the dance of Namsansin god of Posukjeong, Buk-acksin god of Keumkangryung and Jisin god of Dongryejeon was the warning of Silla's ruination. 'The Mhang' of Mhang-he-sa temple should be interpreted not as 'watch' but 'fifteen days'. Mhang-he means the roads buried in darkness and vanished had become a sea. The name of Shin-bhang-sa temple means Gae-un-po province of Ulsan had become 'the newly purified region' because of the inspection of King Heon-ghang. The main keyword of Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa is 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung'. 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung' means to repel the impious and pray the pleasure. The purpose of the personal Gut and national Gut, Narae, was also 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung'. The reinvented bridal room with a fresh life was like the world of Byuk-sa-jin-gyung. The dance of God Sa-bhang was, as well the desperate desire to New Silla. Cheoyong was a shaman with a superior authority who set up the power to foresee to the god of smallpox. The image of Cheoyong at is not the resignation and tolerance, but the foresight and authority. Therefore, the slogan of Cheoyong Cultural Festival, the resignation and tolerance, should be reexamined. The new Cheoyong Cultural Festival should adopt the concept of foresight and authority and Byuk-sa-jin-gyung. Cheoyong Cultural Festival, have been held for 49times, often had identity problems. The identity of Cheoyong have been misinterpreted as the resignation and tolerance. The slogan of Cheoyong Cultural Festival should be reexamined. The new Cheoyong Cultural Festival should adopt the concept of foresight and authority and Byuk-sa-jin-gyung.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.257-284
• /
• 2020

Goseong Ogwangdae started academic research in the late 1950s and was designated as a national intangible cultural asset in 1964. From the time of the academic survey to the time of designation, it was recorded as using paper masks, but when the recording image was filmed in 1965, it was already changed to wooden masks. In 1960, before being designated as an intangible cultural asset, the number of masks, which was 9 points, gradually increased to 19 points in 1964. It is necessarily included in the leper, Chorani, Malttuki, Cheongbo-Yangyang, Halmi, and Jemilju, but the character of the yangban is not yet clearly differentiated. Hwangbongsa and Sangju appeared as bare faces, and consumption, milling, Cheongbo-Yangyang are used together with Bibi and inspiration. It can be guessed that Bibi was not the appearance of a foreign object with horns as it is now, considering that Bibi and Madangsoi were used together. Since 1965, shortly after the designation, the whole of the Goseong Ogwangdae mask has been changed to a wooden mask. All the characters except for resident, courtyard, and top-of-the-line are wearing masks. Bibi, Hongbaek, and service masks have never appeared until 1964. The Yangban was changed to the closing ceremony with six people in the order of Won-Yangban, Baekje, Heukje, Cheongje, Hongbaek, and Jonggadoryong. Starting in 1969, the mask enters the stable period where the kind is the same as the present. Bibi-Yangban uses both the Won-Yangban and the Jemilju uses the Somu, but all other characters use the individual mask to use a total of 18 masks. The Yangbans are clearly differentiated, and a total of seven Yangban appear. The reason why the change in the type of mask and the expression of material is so large is that the first generation of mask makers died and the tradition of mask production was cut off, but there is also a cause of the extreme change in the environment of the drama that the performers who joined after the designation had to face. Also, it is closely related to the change of the times when the meaning and weight of masking in masking has changed. At that time, the performers were not so tied to the current concept of 'original form' that they preserved the appearance of the designated time. Originally, Goseong Ogwangdae was centered on improvisation dance, not the formalized dance as it is now, and there was a certain fluid aspect in the retelling, so it was flexible in the use of masks even before the designation of cultural assets. Strict rules did not apply in the details, as it was a self-sufficient play by the performers, not an offer event. The form and contents of this fluid play are changed to preparation for the performance while preparing for the folk art contest. As the subject of the contest in self-sufficient play, dance, costumes, and props became more and more colorful as well as dancing, costumes, and props. As a result, participation in the contest brought about changes in the overall performance and changed the mask, which was accepted within the preservation society.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.43
• /
• pp.121-143
• /
• 2021

The Aim of the this paper is to figure out impetus of the Naeseo Traditional Folk art Conservation Association. This Preservation Society derived from Hogaeri farmers' band. Through aging and hollowing out Hogaeri farmers' band got into a period of stagnation. In order to overcome slump villager and people of a township organized a conservation society in 1994. Members restored and directed folk song which from age to age for performance. are designated as cultural asset in 2017. Sutguldeong song is only song in inland area. This song are worthy of notice in . which is consist of various agricultural work songs experienced two changes. Rice-planting songs are characteristic. Especially, Executive playing a central role harden foundation of the Preservation Society. The mainspring of activity is the sense of responsibility. Preservation Society laying emphasis on recruiting new members. Preservation Society is planning to develop curriculum for Jurisdiction elementary and middle school students. This Preservation Society is made up of First generation members and Second generation members. First generation members who are born and bred in Hogaeri have been good friends both in joy and in sorrow Early days of Preservation Society. So, They has a strong family bond. In order to induce membership Members are practicing Nongak, popular folk songs, dancing program. Second generation members are not conversant with a folk song. Nonetheless They have a strong mind on a member line.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.32 no.4
• /
• pp.14-23
• /
• 2014

The purpose of this study is to contribute in building credibility of the methodology of the appearance of the traditional colors and the interpretation of the meaning of those appearances by analyzing the spatial construction and configuration and the traditional colors that appear in spatial elements about the scenery component that appear in Seyeonjeong. We conducted a literature research about the traditional colors, the background of the creation of Seyeonjeong, and etc. For the contents for the empirical analysis, we took the scenery and space elements in the poems, such as Eobusasisa and O-u-ga, and the contents of poems related to ojeongsaek (five Korean traditional colors) based on the Yin-Yang and the Five Elements ideology Particularly, after dividing the spatial elements appearing in Seyoenjeong into visual, synesthetic, symbolic/cognitive spatial element, we further distinguished the visual space into positions and directions of the of the spaces and the scenery of the season; the synesthetic space into seasons, time and five senses; and the symbolic/cognitive space into chiljeong (or the seven passions) and sadan (or the four clues). Then we carried out the study by analyzing the correlation between the intention of the garden creation and the meaning of the spaces, through the analysis of ojeongsaek system for each spatial element. Firstly, spatial structure and format that appear in Seyeonjeong can be divided into two directional axes of southeast and northwest according to the flat form of the Seyeongjeong's rectangular palace, with Seyeongjoeng as the center. Secondly, in spatial component element, the frequencies of appearance of the traditional colors of Seyoenjeong are 33.2% for white, 20.8% for blue, 20.8% for black, 18.7% for red and 6.3% for yellow. Thirdly, based on the analysis of the traditional colors the most frequent appearance of 'white' left a room for interpretation like the creation of Seyeonjeong was to enjoy secular living without lingering political feelings so that the high mountains remain clear and clean. Also, the predominant frequency of appearance of blue, similar frequency of appearance of black and red, and the least frequent appearance of yellow is in agreement with or can be at least interpreted related to Yun Seon-do's intention for creating Seyeonjeong not for political rank or power but as a place to enjoy nature, through which he can build on his knowledge, and to lead rest of his life as a noble being through plays, like dancing and writing poems. Fourthly, these interpretations of the analysis of the frequency of appearance of the traditional colors of Seyeongjong shows the reliability, validity, and consistency of the methodology of the analysis of the frequency of appearance of the traditional colors and the interpretation of the meanings in the context that the color white appears most frequently in Soswewon as well and that the background life of the Soswewon's creator Yangsanbo can be interpreted in a similarly way. Above all, this study is significant from the fact that we proposed a theory about the method of analysis and interpretation of the traditional colors in a traditional landscape space. Moreover, there is a great significance of discovering that traditional colors appear in traditional spaces and this can be used as a methodological framework to interpret things like, intention for creation of (buildings/architectures).