• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.25-35
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• 2023

According to this study, it is estimated that the ILDU historic house was constructed around the late Goryeo period, approximately in the year 1360, and the founder moved to Hamyang no earlier than 1350. The main house, the inner store-house, the inner gatehouse, and the ancestral shrine, which are situated on elevated ground, were initially constructed around 1360, and substantial expansions and renovations occurred around 1620. The shrine was relocated and reconstructed in its present location and form around 1843. Subsequent to that period, it underwent various architectural changes, including repairs and reconstructions. The sub-main house was originally constructed around 1620 and underwent a reconstruction in 1843. The main storehouse was built in 1930. Also, the man's part of house, located on lower ground, was erected in 1843, while the other sub-main house seems to constructed around 1860. The auxiliary buildings, the main gatehouse and the outer storehouse, were initially constructed around 1360. It is estimated that they were similarly relocated and reconstructed in their current form, along with the construction of the man's part of house in 1843. It has undergone a four-stage transformation process, influenced by various internal and external factors, including the local indigenization of the ILDU families of the same clan, as well as the popularization of Confucian ideology. These four stages include its formative period, growth phase, developmental stage, and maturity. It actively incorporated the contemporary factors of change into its residential architecture. This continuous adaptation is evident in its the space and floor plan, ultimately leading to its present-day architectural legacy.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.111-127
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• 2024

Our study investigates the impact of paternalistic leadership on organizational citizenship behavior in the Chinese context. First, we explore whether the benevolent, moral, and authoritative dimensions of paternalistic leadership positively influence organizational citizenship behavior. Second, we examine the mediating role of affective commitment. Third, we investigate whether power distance orientation and follower's age moderate the paternalistic leadership-affective commitment-organizational citizenship behavior mechanism. The results confirm the positive effects of the three sub-dimensions. We also confirm power distance orientation and follower's age moderate the effect of benevolent and moral aspects of paternalistic leadership. These underscore the importance of a dimensional analysis of paternalistic leadership. Theoretical and practical implications are also suggested.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.67-74
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• 1985

According to the records that all the people in our country were taught the way of braiding the hair and hatting in the first year of 'Tangun' (the founding father of the Korean nation) and that the discipline between sovereign and subject, man and woman, and the standard of food, drink and dwelling were originated from that year, it seems that all the people in our country had lived with keeping a certain standard of food, clothing and shelter, and with maintaining the order in life from ancient times. So, our country have been called 'the Eastern Land of Courtesy' and also regarded as 'the country of the true gentle-man' which was characterized as the custom of a humane, and as the country that had the immortality since a benevolent person lived to a great age. Thus, all the people in our country have lived with keeping and maintaining a certain standard of all aspects in life, and the philosophy in life that we have today was established by the influences of our characteristic thought, Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and Christianity, especially the life style in the Chosun Dynasty Period have strong influence on our today life. Thus, the contents concerned with the standard of custume life among those of all life in the Chosun Dynasty Period was studied, and clothes itself is unable to give expression to its ends but when the relationship that is, the inter-harmony among clothes, the body which will be dressed in, and the inherent psyche in that body is formed, then the ends, the complete beauty will be expressed. Though there were many studies dealt with clothes itself, no one was concerned with the all kinds of standard in activities that the dresser should keep, so the purpose of this article is that as above. The literature search is used as the research method. The eight books, 'Noneo' (the Analects of Confucius), 'Yeogi' (the Book of Courtesy), 'Sohak' (the book of Precepts for child-ren), 'Yeosaseo'(the Women's Four Books), 'Sasojeol'(Korean Scholars' Minor Principles) 'Eonhaenaehoon' (Private Moral Instructions for Women), 'Woo-am seonsaeng kyenyeoseo' (Master Woo-am's Cautions for Girls) and 'Kyoobangkasa' (the Lyric Lines of the Boudoir) that had influenced the whole field of life in the Chosun Dynasty Period are analyzed, selected and finally arranged for studyilng the foundation of culture of the clothing and for helping to that culture in modern and future life. The results are as follows: 1. The standard of the clothing life in the Chosun Dynasty Period had deeply rooted in the teaching of confucianism, but also had been influenced by the custom which rooted in our people. 2. There is the emphasis upon the trinity among mind, clothes and activities in the clothing life. 3. The clothing and hat have to be dressed symmetrically in full of all required elements, 4. There is the harmony between the clothing with hat and environments or surroundings. 5. The true elegance in the clothing life will be realized not by the exterior outfit but by the interior outfit with the attitude of chastiny. In conclusion, as the material of clothing life in the Chosun Dynasty Period has the characteristics of the simplicity, the cleanliness, the elegance and the refinement, our clothing life is to be mastered with the simplicity, the cleanliness and the elegance in that life and with the harmony between the inside and the outside.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.37-47
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• 2018

This study was attempted to understand present status and characteristics of landscape components of the domestic Korean Gugokwonlim created by the classical scholars in the Joseon Dynasty. The results are as follows. First, Distribution of Gukokwonlim in Korea shows that 55(51.4%) are located in Daegu and Gyeongsangbuk-do, and 22(20.56%) are located in Chungcheongbuk-do. Concentrated locations of Gugok are on the part of Baekdudaegan, from Sobaeksan mountain to Sokrisan mountain via Wolaksan mountain, and the Nakdong River basin of the Nakdong vein in the right bank. This consideration seems to be closely related to the academy of Yeongnam Confucianism and the their trend of Wonrim enjoyment. Second, according to the result of examining the distribution of Gugok according to the basic local government authority, The biggest number of the Gugok places(10 places, 9.35%) are located in Andong, which is called 'the capital of Korean spiritual culture.' Additionally in order, 9 places(9.45%) is located in Goesan, 8 places(7.48%) in Mungyung, 6 places(5.61%) in Bonghwa, and 5 places(4.67%) in Yeongju. Third, in order to the creating time of Gugokwonlim, 33 (33.0%) were created in $18^{th}$ century, and other 33 (33.0%) were created in $19^{th}$ century. In addition, 14 were created during $20^{th}$ century, while 13 were created in $17^{th}$ century. And 4 were created in $16^{th}$ century. Respectively. great number of $18^{th}$ and $19^{th}$ centuries shows that many(66.0%) Gugokwonrim were created between late 18th to 19th centuries. Fourth, There were 97(90.65%) of 'Gugok' in the form of collecting type, and a total number of bottom-up style Gugok were 99(92.5%) while top-down style Gugok were 8(7.5%). Fifth, Among the contents of Gugok, 67 were found in pome of Gugok(64.49%), 29 caved letters in rock(27.10%), and 16 in painting of Gugok(14.95%). Sixth, The most emerged landscape components of Gugok was Dae(臺) 124(13.05%), followed by Am(巖) 115[11.2%, including of Am(岩)] 115(11.2%), and Dam(潭) 73(7.68%), Jeong(亭) 48(5.05%), Dong(洞) 39(4.10%), San(山) 36(3.78%), Am(岩, rocks) 31(3.26 %), Bong(峯, peaks) 27(2.84%), Yeon(淵) 23(2.42%) and Chun(川) and Tan(灘) 22(2.31%). Mostly, common landscape components of Gugok are entrusted natural things. It is expected that more studies about the analysis of characteristics of Gugok's positioning types considering total distance and a gradient are required to understand more clearly characteristics and location distribution of true Gugok and its landscape components.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.25-37
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to draw reasonable management plans to reinforce essence of Ohyundan(五賢壇: Five sprit tablets), a sacred site and monument of Jeju, by investigating and analyzing current status and problems of cultural landscape elements(e.g. architectural structures, installation, letters carved on the rocks, actual vegetation, etc.) while grasping placeness contained in Ohyundan through consideration of its history and transition process of Ohyundan a future being and shrine of Gyulrim Seowon(橘林書院) in Jeju. Results derived from research are summarized as follows. Ohyundan is noted due to its placeness in that it was a place for Gyulrim Seowon, Jeju's one and only Saaek Seowon(賜額書 院) and it was a symbolic space of exile culture in Jeju. As it is inferred from Gyulrim Seowon, which is dangho(堂號: clan name) of Seowon, orchards surrounding all over places are a signature landscape element that shows placeness of the past Ohyundan. Joduseok(俎豆石: altar stone), representing a core installation of Ohyundan and ancestral tablet of five spirits, created a refined place by putting up common stones around altar and founding blocked stones to wall. This refinement and thrift served basic mind of Neo-Confucianism, and led to of Jeju's Jonyang mind(spend-thrift mind). In conclusion, a practice plan is a prerequisite to restore essence of Ohyundan by actively excluding installations not suitable for placeness or overly designed such as Jeju Hyangrodang(a center for the elderly) and numerous monument houses. On the other hand, together with Joduseok, as letters carved on the rocks such as 'Jeungjoo Byukrip(曾朱壁立)' and 'Gwangpoongdae(光風臺)' and Yoocheonseok serve as a signature landscape that well shows mind of five spirits and teaching of Neo-Confucianism, and also a trace from a confucian viewpoint deeply rooted in Jeju, they are judged as a cultural landscape corresponding to the essence of place in Ohyundan which requires proactive preservation and plans for public relations. Together with this, although many different old big trees such as Pinus densiflora , Pinus thunbergii, Quercus variabilis, Celtis sinenis, Zelkova serrata and Rhus succedanea are a landscape element that increases sacred Ohyundan and commemorative value, now required is thorough entity tree management by assigning serial number on them as many of them were dead or removed resulting from transition process of land use. Further, to reinforce quality of site location belonging to Gyulrim Seowon, a prerequsite is to review plans that create Gyulrim at reinstalled site of building and raw land.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.89-123
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• 2010

As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.13 no.6
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• pp.514-526
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• 2003

Sungkyunkwan was the highest national education institute of confucianism in the Chosun dynasty. from the historical view of foodservice in Korea, Sungkyunkwan dining room(進士食堂) might be the oldest systematized school foodservice and it was thought that the Korean word of dining room(食堂) was originated from this. The Sungkyunkwan dining room was built in the period of King Tae-jong(太宗) in 1413 and developed during 500 years through the Chosun dynasty. The dining room was not only an eating place but also providing the specific food culture of students. About 200 students studied in Sungkyunkwan and they lived together, and the government of the dynasty made many rules and by-laws to regulate them. Wonjeom(圓點) regulation was one of them. Wonjeom(圓點) was recorded in the register of attendance(到記) in the dining room and the students could obtain 1 point if they attended at the dining room in the morning and the evening in one day. If the students did not obtain the certain points of Wonjeom, they were not qualified for the national examination(大科). And there were so many eating customs and self-regulations in the dining room they were referred in many literatures, such as ${\ulcorner}$the true records of the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄)${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$Taehak-Ji(太學志)${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$Banjungiabyoung${\lrcorner}$. In this study, poems in $\boxDr$Banjungjabyoung$\boxUl$, about the Sungkyunkwan dining room and the eating customs such as the eating etiquettes, the daily 8 menu items, the special menus and the special day food, and the bestowal foods of King were reviewed.

• Culinary science and hospitality research
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.221-237
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• 2003

China has not thousands years history and culture but more than 50 times huge territory compare to Korea. Moreover, China is a multiracial country which has 56 minority races including Han race. Today's food culture of China has been established based on historic, regional, and racial features. China is located adjacent to Korea and historically has had close relationship with Korea. Moreover, China and Korea have had interaction in politic, economic, and cultural respects. In this aspect, the food culture of China has had great influence to the food culture of Korea. Therefore, this study purposed to understand the food culture of China more deeply which has been passed over, through researching food culture based on Chinese foods in five thousands historic stream. As the result of researching Chinese food by times in terms of food culture, which has been well known by only cuisine, the food culture of China had been changed by rise and fall of several dynasties. In addition, food styles had divided the south and north by inflowing western food materials and deep relation to Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, and the principles of yin-yang.

• Journal of Environmental Science International
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.383-391
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• 2003

The purpose of this research explain the meaning of the environmental design principles and cultural landscape pattern(dualistic space organization) of the Hahoe(河回:winding river village) the Yangdong(良洞) traditional village. Village's space organizations based on Shamanism, fin-yang and Five elements principle, Feng-shui idea, social system and Confucian ideas. And it were accomplish curat landscape pattern(village:form+object=pattern) through the frame of settlement space. As a central persons of villages(the Hahoe $.$ the Yangdong) construction, Suhae(西厓) experienced tough Chunghyodang - Wonjichongsa - Ogyonchongsa - Pyongsansowon channel(忠孝堂 -遠志精舍 -玉端精含 -脣山書院) and Kyomam(謙 ) experienced tough Yangjindang - Binyeonchongsa - Kyomamchongsa - Hwachonsodang(養眞堂 - 賓淵精舍 - 謙庵f精舍 - 花川書堂) channel. Also Woojae(愚齋) experienced tough Suhbackdang - Khankachung - Dongkangsowon(書百堂 - 觀稼停 - 東江書院) and Hoejae(晦齋) experienced tough Moochumdang - Hyangdan - Oaksansowon(無添堂 - 香壇 - 玉山書院). It is space organization of themselves interact contrast and sequence principles with competition in good faith. And ecological art-space, that is, environmental spare organizations of traditional village has been reflected harmony between nature and artificiality, spatial rhythm and sequence, spatial hierarchy between upper classes and humble class, permeability space, asymmetrical balance, aesthetic space perception. The humble classes hold a ceremony Hahoe's Pyolsingut-Talnori(maskdance drama), Dangjae(堂祭:religious service) at the Dang(堂:shamanism spot) and Yangdong's Sohraesulnori, Hohminori. And the upper class hold a ceremony Hahoe's Julbulnori and Yangdong's Chungjanori connected with culture of confucianism. Specially, the cultural structure cf the village is evidence of a contrast between the upper class and the humble classes, time, method and location of ceremony(performance).