• Title/Summary/Keyword: Korean Confucianism

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Preservation and Practical Application of Hwayang-Gugok(華陽九曲) in Songnisan National Park (속리산국립공원 내 화양구곡(華陽九曲)의 보존과 활용방안)

  • Jeon, Young Gweon;Han, Seung Hee;Kim, Yong Hoon
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.19 no.4
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    • pp.683-696
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    • 2013
  • This paper aims to study its preservation and practical application on the basis of analysis on geomorphic landscape and trail of Hwayang-Gugok(華陽九曲). The main results are as follows. 1) There are various and beautiful granitic landforms in Hwayang-Gugok. 2) The scene of Hwayang-Gugok are geomorphic resources worthy of the world cultural heritage in a point of view of relations between geomorphic landscapes and Neo-Confucianism. 3) The best effective application of Hwayang-Gugok may be geotourism. The explanatory plates to describe easily Hwayang-Gugok and training of many skilled guides are also necessary for improving the efficiency of geotourism. 4) Not only landscape restoration but also preservation of geomorphic landscapes in Hwayang-Gugok are required for sustainable geotourism, and improvements based on the results to be analysed in this paper are investigated.

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Between Groups and Individuals - A Tentative Theory on Menzi Xunzi Management Thoughts - (群己之間 - 孟荀管理思維闡釋 -)

  • Huang, Ya-chi
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.144
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    • pp.33-50
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    • 2017
  • Confucianism acts as the representative of Chinese mainstream cultures. Its research on the relation between groups and individuals, and about norms of the system is not only complete but of a long history. And its abundant management thoughts are important assets for us to know traditional culture and construct the management study of local colors. Menzi and Xunzi both inherit Confucianism but evolve into two Confucian paths of different scenarios. Both of them are different despite sameness, and are the same despite differences. Both are artistic all right, but have their imitation. This article aims to use Mengzi thoughts and Xunzi thoughts as a study domain. The study includes five sections. The first section as an introduction presents problems. The second section uses extrinsic factors to research the birth ground of Menzi, Xunzi management thoughts. The third section examines its basic presumptions in terms of inner logic. The fifth section analyzes its logical structure, and in this section the previous sections are concluded, presenting the possible development and relative limitations of Mengzi, Xunzi management thoughts. It is expected that we can re-examine traditional Confucius thoughts from the angle of management, renewing Confucius thoughts constantly in different ages.

A Study on the Extension and Change of the Ethics of Donghak (동학(東學) 윤리관의 확장과 변화)

  • Yi, Jong Woo
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.30
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    • pp.37-57
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    • 2010
  • Su-un 'sicheonju' is emphasised transcendency of god that it is sincerity, earnestness and belief in the practice ethics. But he is exhibited the ancient sage-kings of ancient propriety and humanity, righteousness, propriety and wisdom. Su-un 'sicheonju' change 'insicheon' of Hae-wol at immanence of god the emphasis. He is exhibited 'sainyeocheon' in the practice ethics. Eu-am is changed 'Innaecheon' more immanence of god the emphasis. He exhibit good the subject of human. It's the change cause research Su-un. He exhibit Confucianism ethics at the same time as point out Confucianism because Hae-wol and Eu-am is changed the emphasis at the subject of human. It is influenced pantheism and the theory of social evolution.

Kongzi's Practical Teachings on De 德 (Moral Virtues): Ren 仁 (Benevolence) and Li 禮 (Ritual Propriety) as the Main Topics (공자(孔子)의 실천적 덕론(德論) - 인(仁)과 예(禮)를 중심으로 -)

  • Chi, Chun-Ho
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.41
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    • pp.223-246
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    • 2014
  • The main concern of classical Confucianism, which has Kongzi as its main thinker, is how one can attain moral perfection. In this respect, all of the Confucian teachings can be characterized as an attempt to expound the nature of sages or gentlemen who are believed to attain moral perfection. In Confucianism, de 德 (moral virtue) refers to moral principles or the attributes of things, and it also signifies moral qualities and abilities of humans which are believed to be bestowed by the moral source. Kongzi substantiated the details and practical methods of de, through his teachings of ren as its internal principle and li as its external form. in this way, he put a special emphasis on moral practicality of de. To study Kongzi's practical moral teachings focusing on de can be understood as a reflection on current educational issues.

The Characteristics of Habin Sin Hu-Dam's Method of Interpreting Zhouyi (신후담(愼後聃) 『주역(周易)』 해석의 특징 - 정주(程朱)역학, 성호(星湖)역학, 다산(茶山)역학 등의 해석을 상호비교 하며 -)

  • Lee, Chang-il
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.52
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    • pp.37-67
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    • 2017
  • This article is to examine the characteristics of Habin Sin Hu-Dam's method of interpreting Zhouyi and to review its position in Zhouyi history of Joseon Dynasty. Especially, there has been drown attention to the connection both Habin and Tasan Cheong Yagyong. Habin is a philosopher who consistently interprets Zhouyi through the inner logic of it, not through Neo-confucian framework of it. The inner logic is yaobian theory, which is found through investigating the auguries in the old Books of Confucianism. It could be said that this discovery is the Habin's original one, although there may be historically connections between him and Seong-Ho School in the interpreting methodology about Zhouyi. However, at a future date this logic is found in Tasan. There are no connections between two philosophers, but it may be said that they arrive at the common method of interpreting Zhouyi through investigating the auguries in the old Books of Confucianism. We find that their common methods of interpreting Zhouyi do not keep to authoritative interpretation, but there is the passion of searching for Zhouyi the way as it is.

Neo-Confucian Study of Modern 'Science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格物致知學] (근대 '격물치지학(格物致知學)[science]'에 대한 유학적 성찰)

  • Park, Jeoung Sim
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.43
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    • pp.141-170
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    • 2014
  • Science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格物致知學]' is the translation of Science in Chosun age. Science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格物致知學] which is the highest stage of new science is the symbol of the transfer of universal culture to the western modern civilization from old-fashioned confucianism. Modern western culture and the scientific way of thinking make man as a object to scientific research. Thinking method of social Darwinism made man believe to think like them as the modern method. And also such thinking method made man militarism and imperialism are right thinking and research methods. The core to think the science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格 物致知學] as a violent thinking method is the Confucianism. By this method Park Eun-sik criticize this side of scientific technology as the means of militarism. Till now we pointed to think of the traditional philosophy as the tool of the western modern philosophy about war criminal. Now we rethink of the Confucianism asset as a tool of Korean Modern Culture. Musungmumul[無誠無 物] will offer moral basis to think humanism of the scientific technology of the modern western culture.

The Aspect to Receive Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in Cho Sun Dynasty-Centered on the criticism and understanding of Hsün Tzu (조선조에서의 선진(先秦) 제자학(諸子學) 수용 양상 - 순자(荀子)에 대한 비판과 이해를 중심으로 -)

  • Yun, Muhak
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.25
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    • pp.251-292
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    • 2009
  • In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

Loss and Grief in Asian Culture (아시아 문화권에서의 상실과 슬픔)

  • Hong, Young-Seon;Yeom, Chang-Hwan;Lee, Kyung-Shik
    • Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.1-5
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    • 1998
  • Grief is the ordinarily self-limited complex of symptoms and processes that constitute the acute reaction to a significant loss. And it is the reaction of the dying as well as the bereaved. Every culture has had its own ways of grief and mourning. The definition of healthy grief and mourning, in terms of both emotional expression and the length of time it should continue, mostly depend upon the type of culture as well as the type of religion. So the manner of grief and mourning greatly differs from culture to culture. In the most of the Asian countries, influenced by Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, death is traditionally considered the most significant life cycle transition. In Chinese culture, many rituals have evolved to help family members deal with their loss, over the past five thousand years. Confucianism taught the virtues of filial piety and righteousness. These rules and many customs added since the time of Cofucius, have been loyally followed and practiced by many Asian people. However, Buddhists have different ideas. They believe in karma and reincarnation and in predetermination of one's present life by good or bad deeds in the present life and past lives. Display of uncontrollable emotion is not encouraged. Continuity of family relations after death is very important. The ancient practice of the ancestor worship is still followed in many Asian households. Many Buddhist do not practice ancestor worship; family members honor the deceased by placing a memorial plate in the temple for continued chanting purposes. The mourning rituals have been dramatically curtailed in the past 50 years. For example, political, social and economic forces have shaped the current mourning practices of Chinese in different countries. There are many clinical implications in helping Asian to deal better with the emotional strains of the experience of loss. The therapiest must respect the cultural framework through which the client perceives family losses.

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The Strategy of City Brand Activation by Confusion Content - Case Study of Andong City and Qufu City (유교문화 콘텐츠를 활용한 도시브랜드 활성화 방안 연구 - 안동시와 중국 곡부시 사례를 중심으로)

  • Ha, Kyu-Soo;Moon, Ji-Eun
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.252-263
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    • 2016
  • This study considered the factors of city brand reinforcement and city revitalization through a case study of two cities that were successful in revitalizing using a brand strategy. World leading cities are securing city competitiveness through the culture resources, particularly traditional culture, as a key asset to highlight the cities' uniqueness in increasing their value. The Confucianism influence on Korean traditional culture has a valuable content like etiquette, ritual ceremony, food, education, etc. as well as culture heritage in historical architecture. Therefore, it can be used as the city's assets to promote it worldwide. On the other hand, there is difficulty in preserving most Confucianism culture content and the intangible cultural properties have been neglected. This needs to be applied actively to be used on a city brand strategy. This study reviewed the successful case of Andong city in Korea and Qufu city in Sandong, China and suggests ways of raising the cities' brand power.

Perception of the Neo-Confucian body in men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 남성복식에 발현된 성리학적 몸 인식)

  • Yoon Jung Ko ;Eunhyuk Yim
    • The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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    • v.31 no.5
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    • pp.573-585
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    • 2023
  • Comprehending the prevailing ideals of the body within a specific era requires grasping the intricate interplay between social phenomena and the evolution of clothing. Accordingly, this study investigates the distinctive facets of the perception of the Neo-Confucian body as reflected in men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty. We examine a comprehensive body of scholarship, literature, and historical records concerning the body and dress. Additionally, we also employ a framework developed by M. Y. Kim, which categorizes the Neo-Confucian body in three ways: as the natural body, the cultural body, and the body as a fully-realized moral subject. Our findings unveil three crucial insights: firstly, guided by Neo-Confucian discourse positing appearance as a manifestation of innate energy (氣), men's dress was deliberately designed to demarcate stylistic distinctions in women's dress; secondly, the Chinese gwan (冠) was employed as a tool of self-cultivation (修身) to symbolize the legitimacy of Joseon's Neo-Confucian governance; and thirdly, sim-ui (深衣), a philosophical emblem of Confucianism extensively represented across through an intensified exploration of historical sources, served as a means to consolidate the political standing of the Neo-Confucian faction. As a consequence of these factors, the attire of noble men conferred upon them both sexual and moral ascendancy as political entities; men's dress became a visual manifestation of the legitimacy of their power, thus embodying Neo-Confucian ideals. This study carries significance by applying a discourse analysis approach to Korean dress research and elucidating the factors underlying the development of men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty.