• 동남아시아연구
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• 제28권2호
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

2017년 창설 50주년을 맞은 아세안(ASEAN)은 제도적 보완과 기능적 협력을 강화하기 위해 일련의 선언과 행동 계획을 채택했다. 아세안의 '회합력'(convening power)이 아세안 중심성(centrality)과 회복력(resilience)을 촉진하고 있다. 반면 아세안 회원국의 민주주의 후퇴는 전통적 규범의 한계를 심화시키고 아세안의 이행력을 저하시킨다. 이 글은 아세안 주요 쟁점을 고찰하고 전망을 도출하고자 한다. 첫째, 아세안의 제도적 발전과 기능적 협력의 현황을 아세안 공동체 건설의 현황과 쟁점을 중심으로 살피고자 한다. 둘째, 아세안의 대외 관계를 중국, 미국, 한국과의 관계를 중심으로 살피고자 한다. 남중국해 이슈 및 중국의 경제적 영향력 확대는 아세안-중국관계의 복잡성을 심화시키고 있다. 트럼프 행정부의 대 동남아 정책 변화에 대응하기 위해서는 아세안의 단결이 필요하다. 한국의 신남방정책은 여러 제약에도 불구하고 양자 관계에 있어 전환점이 될 것으로 기대된다. 대외 환경의 변화 속에 아세안 단결과 중심성의 강화가 더욱 절실해지고 있다.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제7권9호
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• pp.209-217
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to investigate the development and determinants of China-ASEAN trade relations over the period of 2000-2018. Employing both the qualitative and quantitative approaches, the results show that the trade relations between China and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have remarkably developed and rapidly grown over times, with a significantly important concentration on the segments of high technological and medium technological products. We also find that China's economic scale is crucially impacting on the China-ASEAN trade relations under both the aggregate and sub-sector level. It is interesting to notice that there is no evidence to support accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and officially forming of ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) to enhance trade relation between both sides. The findings also quantitatively indicate that there is much significant potential for the expansion of mutual trade between China and some members of ASEAN such as Brunei, Laos and Malaysia, while less potential is predicted for other members of ASEAN. It is strongly suggested that China and ASEAN should find a new proactive approach and make more efforts in improving the mutual political trusts to enhance trading activities in the coming years.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.215-251
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• 2014

This study explores the main causes that have led Japan to conclude an FTA with ASEAN. This paper appraises Japan-ASEAN relations and shows that closer relations between Japan and ASEAN have provided momentum for the launch of Japan's FTAs with ASEAN. Consequently, this paper explores the origins and progress of Japan-ASEAN FTA, as well as the strategies and initiatives embraced by Japan in its FTA negotiations with ASEAN. By examining the domestic, regional, and global factors that led to the launch of the Japan-ASEAN FTA, this paper concludes that the strategies adopted were primarily aimed at its main rival, China. The rivalry has resulted in both positive and negative consequences for East Asian Regional economic environment. The negative consequences include the creation of a "spaghetti bowl", which increases costs for Japanese firms operating abroad, and "slows down the progress of the creation of an effective single regional institution".

• Asian Journal of Business Environment
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.19-24
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• 2016

Purpose - This paper aims to find and analyze factors that determine the flows of bilateral foreign direct investment in intra-ASEAN. It specifically focuses on the dimension of macro-economic, natural resources, human resources, and the quality of governance. Research design, data, and methodology - Data were collected from 64 bilateral relations between ASEAN nations from 2002 to 2013. Panel gravity model was utilized to find factors that determine the flows of bilateral foreign direct investment. Results - Significant factors were identified that determine the flows of bilateral foreign direct investment: GDP home country, GDP host country, real interest rate, distance, and total natural resources rent. Unexpectedly, natural resources have a negative effect. Conclusions - In a situation of increasing the flow of FDI among the countries of ASEAN, the government should control the interest rates and maintain good relations with nearby countries. The negative effect of total natural resource rents implies that ASEAN countries should not depend on their natural resources to attract foreign investments.

• 수완나부미
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.251-268
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• 2022

Over the last few decades, global trade activities showed a significant increase, resulting in a rise of the wider global economic growth. The achievement is partly due to the more integrated global trade system under global trade regime such as World Trade Organization (WTO) that standardized the practice of global trade. On the other hand, it could also be seen that regional trade negotiation became more important part of global trade activity. The trade negotiation itself was pushed and tailored by regional perspective, which indigenized trade agreement. This research aims to analyze the indigenization of ASEAN's trade negotiation model. How has the current trade negotiation model within the region represented indigenous needs and aspirations? This study also offers to revisit the conceptual framework in identifying the trade negotiation model to measure the indigeneity of Southeast Asian automotive industry's policy. This research concludes by explaining the case studies which measure the effect of indigenization to the practice of trade agreement in the region.

• 한국항만경제학회지
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• 제39권2호
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• pp.179-194
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• 2023

ASEAN은 BRICs에 이어 차세대 시장으로 부상하고 있다. 우리나라에 있어서도 ASEAN은 제2의 교역 파트너이자 세 번째 해외투자 대상으로서, 중요한 경제협력 파트너이다. ASEAN은 앞으로의 미래 투자지역으로 많은 기업에게 매력적인 사업지로 주목받고 있다. 이에 따라, 한국 정부는 ASEAN과 협력관계를 발전시켜나가기 위해 "신(新) 남방 정책"을 강력하게 추진하여 상호 관계를 강화하고 있다. ASEAN이 최근 해운물류 개발의 중심지역으로 떠오르면서 주변국들 또한 ASEAN 지역의 국가들에 대한 해운 물류 분야의 개발협력과 지원을 집중적으로 하게 되었다. 우리나라 기업 또한 신남방 지역으로의 진출에 적극적이고 이러한 진출을 정부가 지원하고 있다. ASEAN 국가에 진출하기 위해서는 진출 대상국에 대한 투자 및 유치 제도와 외국 법인에 대한 법적인 지원 범위 등을 파악하여야 사업 진입 및 진출 전략을 위한 해당 시장에 대해 정확히 반영할 수 있다. 이러한 해외 진출 리스크를 회피하기 위해서는 각 국의 해외 직접 투자 및 외국 법인 설립 등 현지에 맞는 사업 방법의 선정과 회사 설립 방법에 대한 기초적인 이해는 필수적이라 할 수 있다. 해양 ASEAN 국가에 진입하고자 하는 해운 물류 유관 기업들의 해외투자법 및 기업설립법의 이해를 도모하여 이러한 규정이 진입 장벽이 되지 않도록 하기 위해 제도를 분석하고, 해운 물류 기업의 해외 투자를 위한 방안을 제시하고자 한다.

• 수완나부미
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.143-153
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• 2018

The paper comments on the contribution of Oscar Salemink on his personal intellectual journal from Vietnam to Europe and back again. This then leads to the contemplation of the construction of Southeast Asia as a "place" or "locality", early preoccupations within the region of the national dimension. And more recent developments in universities in Singapore, examining the continuing perceptions of Southeast Asia as a region and Singapore as its "gateway", and the increasing interest in "connectivities" and transnational relations between the region and other parts of Asia and the wider world.

• 수완나부미
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.85-105
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• 2019

Investigating the clash among different forms of international relations has been a frequent issue in modern research and attracts interest in the fields of history and politics. In the nineteenth-century, Asia witnessed a fierce struggle between traditional relations in Asia that existed during the feudal period, that of "The Heavenly Dynasty, China and its vassal states"; and a the new form of relations introduced by the West, that of relations between "colonial powers and colonized countries." As a result, the formation of "colonial societies" in Asia with very specific features was established. However, as stated by Vu (2015), for many reasons, which include the lack of material resources, the politically sensitive nature of the object, and the focus on gains and losses in previous studies, there were little studies on the process of demarcating the Tonkinese border between Franco and Chinese in Vietnam, especially from a globalization perspective. This study thus aims at examining the issue of the demarcation of the Tonkinese Border between Franco and Chinese (1885-1895), in view of globalization, as a case study for the transition process of the modern history of Vietnamese society.

• 수완나부미
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.91-128
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• 2023

In recent decades, Indonesia and the Middle Eastern countries have increased and expanded their political, security, economic, and socio-cultural ties. Qatar is one of the Middle Eastern countries which have fortified ties with Indonesia. This article aims to analyze the nature and scope of Indonesia-Qatar relations through the five-dimensional framework developed by George Eberling, which consists of political-diplomatic, economic-trade, military-security, cultural, and petroleum-energy relations (Eberling 2017). Despite being significantly distinct in history, demography, geographic size, and location, Jakarta and Doha have been provided opportunities to expand their cooperation on multifaceted dimensions by way of common economic, geopolitical, and cultural interests. Throughout the paper, the primary drivers of the cooperation are also discussed, alongside its future prospects.

• 수완나부미
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.51-77
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• 2016

This paper argues and shows how ethnic dimension is still very important in understanding political contestations in Malaysia. To do this, the paper reviews the political as well as population demography to back its assertion. And it is not necessarily improper to continue to use this ethnic lens, although the continued use of this approach has come under heavy criticism both within and from outside Malaysia. Raging debates in Malaysia and by Malaysians are still very much shaped by ethnicity and increasing regional differences. This is further compounded by other factors such as religion, language, and education. In fact, these tools have been more intensely used of late compared to any period before in history as they easily politicize and attract followers.