• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.43-56
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• 2006

In this thesis we aim at analyzing international competitive power of Chinese ginseng in comparison with Korean ginseng and searching policy direction for Korea to compete Chinese ginseng industry. We summarized the research results as follows; First, we examine the structural change of ginseng industry of China. Second, we review the theories for international competitiveness and apply the method of analyzing competitiveness to ginseng industry. Third, we compared the international competitive power of the ginseng industry between China and Korea and found that Chinese ginseng, estimated by Revealed Comparative Advantage(RCA) at about 15, still remains high competitiveness in terms of cost and price but lowering price competitiveness recently. Based on the research results, we suggest export promotion strategies of the Korean ginseng as follows; 1) Korean government should enforce trade cooperation with China so as to register Korean root ginseng an importable medicine. 2) Korean ginseng producer should develop various products such as capsules, powders and etc. according to China's consumer purchasing power and taste. 3) Korean ginseng should be sold as an differentiated commodity so that it will contribute to building consumer loyalty to Korean ginseng, makes market share superior to other cheaper ginseng products in China. 4) In order to be effective brand marketing and product advertisement, there should be established reliable networks to process and distribute Korean ginseng products exclusively.

• Review of Korean Society for Internet Information
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.35-51
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• 2013

The Digital Cold War argument has become one of the heatedly discussed foreign policy agendas in the U.S. Considering the authority and power of the U.S. government and Internet companies in the cyberspace, this shift is not negligible in understanding not only the changes in the U.S. foreign and military policies but also that in the operations of the global Internet governance. Given these circumstances, I seek to explain the origins of and test the theoretical validity of the Digital Cold War argument. In particular, I analyze how the political concerns of the Chinese authorities shaped the characteristics of their control of the domestic Internet and their approach to the global Internet governance. The findings indicate that the Chinese way of the Internet governance is more concerned of their domestic political stability than overthrowing the current Internet governance regime, which many supporters of the Digital Cold War argument cited as the key evidence of such political contentions. Though the Digital Cold War argument is theoretically unwarranted, its growing popularity and the historical lessons of the Cold War have broad implications to the understanding of the impacts of the great power rivalries on the future Internet governance.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.3-10
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• 2018

The existing smart grid, which is centered on the power grid, is rapidly spreading to new energy and renewable energy such as heat and gas, which are expressed as smart energy. Smart Energy interacts with electric energy and is connected to wired / wireless network based on IoT sensor based on energy analysis using AI to rapidly expand ecosystem with various energy carriers and customers. However, smart energy based on IoT is lacking in technological and institutional preparation for security compared to efforts to activate the market according to the interests of government and business operators. In this study, we will present Smart Energy 's privacy policy in terms of value system(CPND) of convergence ICT.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-26
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• 2023

This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.19 no.12
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• pp.2765-2772
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• 2015

In Korea MVNO was introduced in 2011 when twenty seven years had passed since Korea Mobile Telecom(now SK Telecom) started mobile phone service. MVNO can make competition more effective to lower communication costs through the alternatives. In the early 2000s, the need for the introduction of the MVNO has been raised already by scholars in Korea. But it wasn't until the late 2000s when rate cuts appeared to be a major policy issue, and Korean government introduced MVNO. In April 2015, MVNO's market share reached 8.8%, but Korea does not have a firm system yet. This rapid growth of MVNO market in Korea was made possible by consumers' demand for cheaper services and late introduction of MVNO. And telecom companies(MNO) abuse their supreme power against small and medium firm MVNOs and reserved market share using their subsidiary companies. Thus proper regulation is necessary. However, the government authorities should have recognized global MVNO flow quickly and have to make a sufficient effort to establish proper competition condition of the mobile telecom market.

• Strategy21
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• s.32
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• pp.160-191
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• 2013

This article is focused how the maritime strategy between continental powered country(the Soviet, the China) and maritime powered country(the U.S.) interact with attack and defense theory. We will know, what is the maritime strategy that the U.S. of military superiority has pursued with the point of view of attack, on the other hand, relatively what is the maritime strategy that the Soviet-Sino of military inferiority has pursued with the point of view of defense. In cold war, the Soviet has counteracted to 'blue belt defense' in active defense as to the U.S. 'sea strike' and in post cold war, the China counteract to 'A2/AD' as to the U.S. 'Air-Sea Battle'. The difference between the Soviet-Sino maritime strategy is that the China has emerged the second an economic power and their leadership has a strong's will to strengthen their navy's power. although the U.S. declare the pivot to Asia, the influence on Asia of the U.S. tend to decrease because of sequest. therefore, the China will seek to the more active defense beyond the first island chain. Meanwhile, the U.S. has reinforced of 'hub and spoke strategy' to solidify the U.S. formal allies to band together regional powers and to overcome the A2/AD challenge, the U.S. has been developed that the Air-Sea Battle concept meshes with Washington's 'rebalancing' policy toward the Asia-Pacific as its vital missions to safeguard core island or semi-island allies-namely, Korea and Japan-and crucial sea lanes of communication in the region are conducted mostly from or over the sea.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.94-120
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• 2015

The Asia-Pacific Region has emerged as a arena of geopolitical competition between the U.S. and China. The Obama administration of the U.S. had laid out the concept of rebalancing strategy toward the region, concentrating its 60 percent of Naval Forces to the region till 2020 and consolidating its network of allies and partners. Whereas Chinese leader Xi Jinping also put forward the concept of new type of major power relations concerning its relations with the U.S. and a concept of 'the Asian Community of Common Destiny' aiming at a more intensified mutual relation among countries in the region. In doing so, Asia-Pacific region gradually became the arena where mutual competition and cooperation between the U.S. and China has crossfired. As a close ally to the U.S. and a partner to Japan, South Korea should develop trilateral naval cooperation by holding joint naval drill with the aim of humanitarian support and disaster relief. At the same time, Seoul also should make efforts to proceed mutual confidence building with Beijing by deepening military-to-military cooperation. These policy options will be helpful to enhance Seoul's security posture in the region.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.458-465
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to analyze the effect of policy in Jeju, using a macro-economic forecasting model of Jeju. First, the model's reality explanatory power improved by updating its statistics to 2017 and expanding new policy variables and modules. Also, the industrial structure of the model was further subdivided and extended to be considered simultaneously in the demand side of Keynesian theory. Second, it was determined that the predictive power for the model of this study was better than that of the existing model. However, with some endogenous variables, it was possible to identify implications that should be developed and considered when the model is improved with additional data in the future. Third, when the second airport construction was considered, it was observed that its effect was an increase of 1.25 times for GRDP, 1.2 times for employment, 1.48 times for private consumption, and 2.06 times for investment. Also, the economic growth rate was estimated to be 1.6% point higher than when the second airport was not constructed. Finally, the results of this study are expected to be used for policy decision making of the Jeju Government.

• Journal of Korea Society of Industrial Information Systems
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.18-28
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• 2006

We consider a Direct Input Output Manufacturing System(DIOMS) which has a munber of machine centers placed along a built-in Automated Storage/Retrieval System(AS/RS). The Storage/Retrieval (S/R) machine handles parts placed on pallets for the operational aspect of DIOMS and determines the optimal operating policy by combining computer simulation and genetic algorithm. The operational problem includes: input sequencing control, dispatching rule of the S/R machine, machine center-based part type selection rule, and storage assignment policy. For each operating policy, several different policies are considered based on the known research results. In this paper, using the computer simulation and genetic algorithm we suggest a method which gives the optimal configuration of operating policies within reasonable computation time.

• Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.86-100
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• 2014

The purposes of this study are to provide a guideline for the suitability of wind farm facilities in forest lands and to suggest improvement plans of policies and systems to minimize the damage of forest lands. First, we implemented a literature review and field surveys to examine and select factors for the suitability of wind farm facilities in forest lands. Spatial database for selected location factors of wind farm facilities in forest lands was constructed to develop the suitability model for locating wind farm facilities focusing on Gangwon-do. Data used in this study include wind power resource, legal mountainous preserved area, forest roads, developed areas, forest class, and other spatial data. In order to find specific-sized potential areas for a certain number of wind farm turbines, we used block statistics and focal statistics methods. As a result, the areas for potential wind farm locations were 1,261ha from a block statistics method and 1,411ha from a focal statistics method. Based on the outputs of this research, it is required to make an urgent solution for the prevention of forest disaster and to prepare reduction measures for the destruction of ridge landscape.