• 한국안전학회지
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• 제31권1호
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• pp.139-147
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• 2016

Nuclear energy is considerably cheap and clean compared to other fossil fuels. Yet, there are rising safety concerns of nuclear power plants including the possibility of radiation releasing nuclear accidents. In light of the Fukushima nuclear crisis in 2011, Japan has been re-evaluating their existing energy policies and increasing the share of alternative energy. This paper first tracks the major historical changes of energy policy in Japan by time period. Next, energy security, reignited concerns and alternative energy are covered to examine Japan's energy security situation and its transition after the Fukushima disaster. Lastly, a short survey based on thematic analysis was conducted in South Korea and Japan to understand the public awareness of nuclear. This paper postulates that the case of Fukushima will contribute to establish and operate a safe-future nuclear program in South Korea, given that the country is not only geographically neighbouring Japan but also the world's fourth largest producer of nuclear energy.

• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.175-199
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• 2018

Recent marine territorial disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea have come to us as a great threat. China, which has recently established the China Coast Guard and has rapidly developed maritime security forces, is trying to overcome the various conflict countries with its power. Japan is also strengthening intensively its maritime security forces. Since Korea, China, and Japan are geographically neighboring and sharing maritime space in Northeast Asia, there is no conflict between maritime jurisdiction and territorial rights among the countries. The struggle for initiative in the ocean is fierce among the three coastal nations in Northeast Asia. therefore, Korea needs more thorough preparation and response to protect the marine sovereignty. As the superpowers of China and Japan are confronted and the United States is involved in the balance of power in strategic purposes, the East Asian sea area is a place where tension and conflict environment exist. China's illegal fishing boats are constantly invading our waters, and they even threaten the lives of our police officers. The issue of delimiting maritime boundaries between Korea and China has yet to be solved, and is underway in both countries, and there is a possibility that the exploration activities of the continental shelf resources may collide as the agreement on the continental shelf will expire between Korea and Japan. On the other hand, conflicts in the maritime jurisdictions of the three countries in Korea, China and Japan are leading to the enhancement of maritime security forces to secure deterrence rather than military confrontation. In the situation where the unresolved sovereignty and jurisdiction conflicts of Korea, China and Japan continue, and the competition for the strengthening of the maritime powers of China and Japan becomes fierce, there is a urgent need for stabilization and enhancement of the maritime forces in our country. It is necessary to establish a new long-term strategy for enhancing the maritime security force and to carry out it. It is expected that the Korean Coast Guard, which once said that it was a model for the establishment of China's Coast Guard as a powerful force for the enforcement of the maritime law, firmly establishes itself as a key force to protect our oceans with the Navy and keeps our maritime sovereignty firmly.

• Strategy21
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• 통권44호
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• pp.103-141
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• 2018

As the South China Sea maritime dispute illustrates, when considering the place where maritime claims occur, states do not have many choices to respond to maritime claims in which disputed areas are located far away from the land and are surrounded by the sea. As Mearsheimer (2014) points out, the sea stops power projection. Therefore, in order to adopt coercive as well as peaceful settlement policies to deal with maritime claims, states need to overcome obstacles (the sea) to project power. It means that if states want to conduct a specific foreign policy action, such as negotiating maritime borderlines or arguing sovereignty on islands, they need a tool (naval power) to coerce or to persuade the opponent. However, there are lack of research that studies maritime claims from the perspective of naval power. This research project fills this gap based on naval power. How do relative levels of naval power and (dis) parities of naval power influence the occurrence of MIDs over maritime claims? Naval power is a constitutive element during maritime claims. If disputants over maritime claims have required naval power to project their capability, it means that they have the capability to apply various ways, such as aggressive options including MIDs, to accomplish their goals. So, I argue that when two claimants have enough naval power to project their capabilities, the likelihood of MIDs over maritime claims increases. Given that one or both states have a certain level of naval power, how does relative naval power between two claimants influence the management of maritime claims? Based on the power transition theory, I argue that when the disparities of relative naval power between claimants becomes distinctive, militarized conflicts surrounding maritime territory are less probable. Based on the ICOW project which codes maritime claims from 1900 to 2001, the empirical results of the Poisson models show if both claimants have projectable naval power, the occurrence of MIDs over maritime claims increases. In addition, the result shows that when disputants maintain similar relative naval powers, they are more likely to initiate MIDs over maritime claims. To put it differently, if naval capabilities' gap between two claimants becomes larger, the probability of the occurrence of MIDs decreases.

• 복식
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• 제66권6호
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• pp.122-134
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• 2016

With the advent of the new political regime of Jong Un Kim, North Korea is undergoing many changes, with its main motivation being economic growth. This study aims to identify the changes in clothing in North Korea under the new political climate. The research conducted a review on literature and empirical study. For literature review, books and papers from studies related to North Korea have been reviewed. For the empirical part, interviews with diverse class of North Korean refugees including Hanawon, videos on TV, 1,100 pictures and related articles from newspapers and Internet have been collected. Through this analysis, the study found that subtle changes in North Korean fashion started prior to the Jong Un Kim's regime, but has become full-blown since Kim's assumption of power. This proves that the country is not yet independent from its political situation. The results are as follows: First, the appearance of Ri Sol-ju has liberalized the fashion concept of North Korean women, and the popularity of her trademark style has actually contributed to a more amicable image for Kim. Second, the "Hallyu" style has spread to North Korea through various channels, and has started new trends. Third, the diversification of fashion styles has been greatly accelerated in accordance with the expansion of market, resulting from the economic revitalization policy. Last of all, Jong Un Kim's direct orders concerning fashion have resulted in some significant changes. The sophisticated uniforms of flight attendants and the development of luxury cosmetics being prime examples. As studies on this subject are extremely rare, this research is significant to identify the changes on the clothing culture under Jong Un Kim's regime, and to present an expanded view, as the two countries work towards an united Korea.

• 환경정책연구
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• 제14권4호
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• pp.23-44
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• 2015

저탄소차협력금제도는 중대형차 위주의 국내 승용차 시장에서 소형차의 점유율을 제고하고 온실가스를 저감하기 위해 도입되었으며 2015년 시행이 예정되어 있었으나 2014년 산업부 등이 해당 제도의 온실가스 저감효과가 낮고 수입차에 상대적 혜택이 있다고 주장하였고, 관련자들의 토론을 거쳐 제도의 시행이 2020년으로 연기되었다. 2014년 집중되었던 기존의 연구는 실증분석 위주로 제도의 효과를 추정하는 데 집중되어 있었으며, 정량적 수치를 제공하지 못하는 경제모형에 입각한 구조적 논의는 별로 주목받지 못하였다. 자동차 시장 구조에 따라 보너스-부담금이 자동차 가격에 반영되는 효과가 달라질 수 있음을 경제수리모형을 통해 입증하였고 제도를 둘러싼 구조에 대한 정밀한 통찰을 제공하여 정합한 실증분석을 위한 이론적 기반을 제시하고자 한다. 자동차 공급자가 독점력을 가지고 있어 전략적 가격 설정이 가능하다면 보너스와 부담금이 자동차 가격에 반영되는 정도는 명목적으로 부여된 수준보다 작다. 보너스가 부과되는 소형차 시장만 독점력이 떨어지더라도 제도의 효과가 개선된다. 최적의 보너스와 부담금이 도입되어 있다고 가정했을 때 자동차 시장 구조가 변화한다면 최적 가격 체계를 유지하기 위한 보너스와 부담금 변화 방향은 직관과 다를 수 있다. 각 시장의 가격탄력성과 대체탄력성의 크기가 최적 보너스-부담금의 변화 방향을 결정한다. 예를 들어 대형차 수요는 탄력적이고 소형차 수요가 비탄력적이면서 대체탄력성은 낮은 경우 독점력이 강화된다면 보너스와 부담금 모두 상향 조정되어야 한다.

• KEPCO Journal on Electric Power and Energy
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• 제5권4호
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• pp.311-321
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• 2019

정부의 재생e 3020 이행계획 및 제 8차 전력수급 기본계획과 함께 국내 분산 전원 연계 사업이 활발하게 진행되고 있다. 특히 2016년 10월 시행된 1 MW이하의 분산 전원 접속 보장 제도의 시행 이후, 배전 계통의 분산 전원 연계 신청이 급증함에 따라 송배전 설비부족으로 분산 전원 접속 지연이 일어나는 문제와, 이로 인해 국내 분산 전원의 70 %가 연계되어 있는 배전 계통의 신증설 투자비가 증가하는 문제가 이슈로 부각되고 있다. 현재 배전 계통의 분산 전원 수용력(hosting capacity) 확보 방법은 물리적인 배전 설비 추가 확충 이외에는 대안이 없는 것이 현실인데, 이러한 방식은 아래와 같은 어려움이 따른다. 첫째, 분산 전원의 대다수를 차지하는 태양광은 일조량이 풍부하고 지가가 저렴한 야외, 산악지역에 보급되므로 배전선로 경과지 확보가 점점 어려워지고 있다. 이로 인해 지중 구간이 증가하여 공사비가 증가하며, 태양광 야외 지역 위치로 공사 거리, 기간이 증가하게 된다. 둘째, 지자체의 공사 인허가 비협조 사례가 증가하여 이로 인해 공사가 지연되어 민원이 야기된다. 셋째, 배전선로 공사 자체에 1년 이상의 공사기간이 소요되므로 분산 전원을 적기에 접속시킬 수가 없으며, 넷째, 접속 신청은 지속 증가하므로 이에 따라 배전 설비 확충 비용 또한 지속 증가 할 수 밖에 없다. 이렇게 물리적 설비확충으로 발생하는 문제에 대응하여 접속 대기를 최소화하면서도 공사(투자비)를 최소화 할 수 있는 방안은 설비이용률을 극대화하는 것이며, 본 연구는 이러한 고민에서 시작되었다. 그러므로 본 논문에서는 현재 배전 계통의 분산 전원 연계 현황, 태양광 최대 출력 실적, 최소 부하, 선로 특성의 분석을 통해 배전선로의 분산 전원 상시연계용량 기준을 상향하기 위한 타당성을 검토하였으며, 배전선로의 분산 전원 상시연계용량 기준을 위한 상향(안)을 제시하였다.

• 한국산학기술학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국산학기술학회 2012년도 춘계학술논문집 2부
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• pp.512-516
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• 2012

Recently the Korean government's green energy growth policy has been taken at the national level due to the sufficient supply of renewable energy. Some specific technique should be taken in consideration for the operation of the grid voltage and power quality management. In this case, there may have some chance of operational problems. Typical problems arise when grid-connected solar power produced by Pacific sunshine. The power flow in the reverse direction can create overvoltage on the distribution line and gives value of malfunction on the system. Line voltage and overvoltage adjustment practice can stop these symptoms occurred. Under these circumstances, this paper presents an interconnection test devices for photovoltaic(PV) systems composed of distribution system simulator, PV system simulator and control and monitoring systems using the LabVIEW S/W, and simulates the customer voltage characteristics considering the 3 parameters on the introduction capacity for PV systems, system configuration and Power factor. This paper also proposes a new calculation algorithm for voltage profile to make comparison between calculation values and test device values. The results show that the simulation results for the normal operation characteristics of PV systems which are very practical and effective.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.94-123
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• 2019

Over the past few decades, gender equality has been considered one of the fundamental principles and a significant crosscutting issue in international development. However, beyond applying 'gender equality' as a policy buzzword, there has been a lack of critical reviews on how generally 'gender equality in education' is understood and constructed in Korea's development programs and projects. In this regard, this paper explores the use of vocabularies and semantic meanings of gender equality in the Korean Government's Academic Cooperation Program and its 52 projects. By applying mixed contents analysis as a method, the research resulted in several findings: first, the policy papers recently highlighted Korea's directions on gender mainstreaming and gender-sensitive approaches in international development. Second, 'integrating women and girls' into education institutions was emphasized in various projects; third, the term women rather than gender were used in the texts, highlighting their position as a 'marginalized group.' Lastly, there was a lack of evidence of projects dealing with changing gender-based power relations. The constructed gendered relations and powers were identified throughout projects, usually acting as barriers to project activities. However, they were only identified, not challenged, by the program. In conclusion, whilst Korean international development and educational development discourse actively embrace Women in Development (WID) and Gender and Development (GAD) in their programs, it is time to consider the issue of gender equality from different standpoints, such as identity, rights, and capabilities and a more active engagement with Korea's domestic issues in gender discourse and practices is also needed.

• 수산경영론집
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• 제49권2호
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• pp.37-48
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• 2018

This study analyzed the impact of FTA tariff elimination on the export prices for Norwegian fresh and chilled salmon, of which Korean import has significantly increased since the Korea-EFTA FTA implementation. Korea's fresh and chilled salmon market is almost monopolized by Norway, and Korea's price level is higher than other countries, so it is highly likely that price discrimination occurs. This study theoretically explained that exporters could adjust their prices by market power when tariffs are eliminated in imperfectly competitive markets. And the empirical analysis provided evidence that the exporters have made price adjustments since the FTA took effect, and similar results were found in the relative price comparison with trade statistics and Nasdaq Salmon Index. Therefore, in order to increase consumer welfare in Korean salmon market, it is required to transform the monopolistic market structure into a competitive one.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.273-295
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• 2017

2016년 두테르테 대통령의 당선 이후 추진된 마약과의 전쟁, 돌출발언과 파격적 외교 행보에 의한 국제관계의 악화 등 여러 대내외적 불안정성에도 불구하고 필리핀의 경제는 동남아국가들 중 가장 높은 GDP 성장률을 나타냈다. 두테르테 현상을 둘러싼 사회적 맥락과 정치동학은 오늘날 민주주의의 현주소와 신자유주의 경제체제 하의 정치현상을 이해하는데 한국을 비롯한 세계 국가들에게 중요한 질문과 과제를 던졌다. 자주외교를 강조하며, 기존 패권질서에 파열음을 일으킨 필리핀의 선택이 단일국가의 실험으로 끝을 맺을지, 아니면 인접국가 또는 아세안 국가들 전반에 새로운 힘을 형성할 계기가 될 것인지 향후 귀추가 주목된다.