• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.15
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• pp.177-194
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• 1990

Koh(袴) was a type of dress worn on the lower part of the body which was commonly used in the Northeast Asia. It was originally used by the Northern race for the need of nomadism or hunting. The origin of the Koh which appeared in the area would be found from the trousers of the Huns who influenced in the Northeast Asia, and became in the part of the Scythian culture. The Scythians are the nomadizing race inhabited in the Northern Caucasas on the wast of the Black Sea and influenced on the inland Eurasian steppe as the first typical horse-riding race. The objectives of Koh which had been worn in the Scythian, Mongolia, Korea as well as Japan as a part of Dongho dress and ornaments and to contemplate the transmission process by cultural exchange among different races for the period from 4th century to 7th century. 1. The Origination of the Koh The Koh was originated by the environmental factor to protect the cold in the North but also from the heat in the South, and was changed and developed as gradually satisfying to the needs of the times. In the Northeast Asia the Koh was in the class of the Northern Chinese garment, and was used widely by the horse riding Scythians who moved widely from the Eurasian inland to Japan. The oldest original which could reflect the type of the Northern clothes was a pair of trousers discovered in the Huns remains of Noin Ula. This showed the exact form of hunting clothes and had a similar form with the Korean female tro-users. Since the same form of trousers drawn on the wall painting of which was excavated 4-5th century ancient Koguryo(高句麗) tomb was the same form the trousers of Noin Ula seemed to be the original form of Koh in the Northeast Asia. 2. The Chinese Trousers It was the time of the King Mooryung(武靈王) in the Cho(趙) Dynasty B.C. 3th century that the trousers used regularly in China. However, the Koh had been used as undergarment which functioned for the protection of the cold not the horseriding garment. The trousers seemed to be not very obviously shown off since the Poh (袍) was long, but mainly used by the people from lower class. As people learned the adapted the trousers. It was essential for the times of war and quarrel. The king himself started wearing the Koh. The Chinese trousers were influenced by the Huns, the Northern clothes of the Scythian culture, and similar to the Korean clothes. 3. The Korean Trousers Korean was a race bared from the Eastern foreign group. It was obvious that the clothes was Baji-Jeogori(바지 저고리), the garment of the Northern people. This had the same form of the Scythian dress and ornaments which was excavated from the Mongolian Noin Ula. The Scythian dress and ornaments were influenced from the Ancient West Asia Empire and transmitted to the Northeast Koguryu by the horseriding Scythian. The trousers were kept in the traditional style by the common people in Korea were transmitted to Japan which were for behind in cultural aspect, as well as got used to the Chinese as the efficient clothes though active cultural exchange. 4. The Japanese Trousers The ancient Japanese clothes were influenced by the Southern factor but not the form of the Koh. As the Korean people group was moving towards Japan and conquer the Japanese in the 4-5th century, however, North Altaic culture was formed and at the same time the clothes were also developed. The most influenced clothes at this time were those of Baekge(百濟) and the trousers form called Euigon became the main form. Because of the climatic regional factor, it was tied not at the ankle but under the knee. From the view the ancient Japanese clothes disappeard about that time, it could be due to the conquest of the culturally superior race but not the transmission of the culture. In the latest 7th century both the Chinese and Japanese dress forms were present, but the Dongho(東胡) dress and its ornament from Korea was still the basic of the Japanese dress form.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.123-133
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• 1981

If we are to define that the traditional costume is a comprehensive expression of the culture, thoughts, and arts of a country, it is needless to say that the traditional costume would have always reflected the social and cultural aspects of the times. In order words, the cultural contemplation of a certain people at some point the history is only possible when we observe the distintive features of the costume worn by the people of respective times. Although the Korean people had the native costume of its own from the times of the Ancient Choson to the Three Kingdoms of Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla, the Chinese influence on Korean traditional costume became somewhat pronounced ever since the Silla strenghtened the political ties with the T'ang dynasty in China, and it came to a climax when the dual structure in Korean native costume, being compounded with the Chinese touch, continued to be prevailed from the era of the Unified Silla to the Koryo and throughout the succeeding Yi dynasty, thereby copying the typical aspects of Chinese pattern in clothing and dresses worn by the ruling classes, namely the goverment officials including the Kings. Therefore, it is our aim to study the pattern of Chinese influence on our traditional costume, as well as social and cultural aspects by way of contrasting and comparing our official outfit system, which had been developing in dualism since the era of the Unified Silla, with that of China, and to trace in part the Korean traditional costume. In comparing our traditional official outfit system with that of China, we have basically concentrated on the comparison of the official outfit systems during the periods of the Three Kingdoms, the Koryo, and The Yi dynasty with that of corresponding era of Chinese history, namely the dynasties of T'ang, Sung, and Ming, and followed the documentary records for the comparison. Koreans had fallen into the practice of worshipping the powerful in China and begun to adopt the culture and institutions of the T'ang dynasty since the founding of the Unified Silla. From this time forth, Korean people started to wear the clothes in Chinese style. The style of clothing during the period of the Koryo Kingdom was deeply influenced by that of the T'ang and Sung dynasties in China, and it was also under the influenced of the Yuan dynasty(dynasty established by the Mongols) at one time, because of the Koryo's subordinative position to the Yuan. At the close of the Koryo dynasty, the King Kongmin ordered the stoppage on the use of 'Ji-Joung', the name of an era for the Yuan dynasty, in May of the eighteenth year of his rule in order to have the royal authority recognized by a newly rising power dominating the Chinese continent, the Mind. Kind Kongmin presented a memorial, repaying a kindness to the Emperor T'aejo of the Ming dynasty in celebration of his enthronement and requested that the emperor choose an official outfit, thereby the Chinese influence being converted to that of the Ming. As a matter of course, the Chinese influence deepened all the more during the era of the Yi dynasty coupled with the forces of the toadyic ideology of worshipping the China, dominant current of the times, and the entire costume, from the imperial crown and robe to the official outfit system of government officials, such as official uniforms, ordinary clothes, sacrificial robes, and court dresses followed the Chinese style in their design. Koreans did not have the opportunity of developing the official outfit system on its own and they just wore the official outfit designated on separate occasions by the emperors of China, whenever the changes in dynasty occurred in the continent. Especially, the Chinese influence had greatly affected in leading our consciousness on the traditional costume to the consciousness of the class and authority. Judging from the results, Koreans had been attaching weight to the formulation of the traditional outfit system for the ruling classes in all respective times of the history and the formulation of the system was nothing more than the simple following of the Chinese system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.243-266
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• 2004

This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.34
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• pp.20-58
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• 2001

In order to unravel the characteristics of arms used in the 'Three Kingdoms,' Kokuryo, Silla and Paikje. the classification and the developing procedures of the arms should be first discussed. At first, the basic arms of the soldiers of Three Kingdoms were iron swords, iron spearheads, and bows. During that period, swords attached a ring pommel were commonly used. But after 5A. D. a sword with a decoration pommel appeared. Infantry generally used iron spearheads. From the late 4A. D. the long spearheads were broadly used in cavalry battles. In the late 6A. D. infantry mainly used long spearheads, and this resulted in the foundation of long spearheads units. There were two kinds of bows: Short Bow whose arch is small and Long Bow whose arch is long. It is known that the Short Bow was widely used in Kokuryo and Paikje up to 5A. D. In the early era, infantry used Long Bow, yet it was vastly used after 6A. D. when a castle's strategical value was great and defending a castle was. significant. Above mentioned, as basic combat weapons, iron spearhead and bow were fundamental. In particular, the spearhead was the essential weapon to a soldier. Yet, arrow gun and hook-shape cutters were important weapons. Especially, after 6A.D., when a castle became strategically pivotal in military, the arrow gun became the important weapon. This resulted in the foundation of arrow gun units. Hook-shape cutters were used to snatch horsemen or to climb up to fall the castle. Yet, the cutter was not the Three Kingodoms' basic weapon. In addition, the three stages of arms development in the Three Kingdoms are formation stage, development stage, and settlement stage. The formation stage was the period when premitive military unit appeared in the Three Kingdoms. It ranged from 1B. C. to the mid 3A. D. At that time according to regions. there were two weapon systems operating: North area including Kokuryo and the northern part of Paikje and South area including Silla, Kaya and the southern part of Paikje. ln North area a sword with a ring attached at the end of the holder, iron spear with neck and mid-size flat holder and iron arrowhead with an extension to fix, were used. In this period, during a war calvary units were mostly used and their weapon systems seemed possibly to succeed in that of Kochosun. In the development stage, when LoLang's influence on surroundings became weak, Koguryo, Paikjae and Silla had directly contacted each other. In the late 3A.D. to the early 6A.D., Silla achieved a drastic improvement in weapon system. This was the period when Kokuryo played a leading role in arms race. Kokuryo's arms manufacturing techniques passed onto Silla, Kaya and Paikje. In combat strategy a joint operation between infantry and calvary prevailed even if their military tactics were different. In a calvary battle heavily armed horsemen played import roles at this period. The horsemen and even horses were heavily guarded with iron armors. After all, the appearance of fully armed horsemen implies the very need of powerful destructive forces in weapon system. At that time, basic weapons were a big sword with a ring attached at the end of the holder, swallow's tail-shape spear with neck, and iron spearhead with neck and an extension. The settlement stage began at the mid 6A.D., when it was the revolutionary period in the arms development history. Of course, actual proofs and picture documents were not sufficient enough to penetrate full scale of the weapon system. But, according to historical circumstances and historic records, it is very certain that this period was the peak in arms development. In this period special military units, such as infantry-calvary companies, Archery units and Long spear units, that executed particular duties with special weapons, were founded. This became the characteristics of the settlement stage.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.96-119
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• 2024

Some inscribed bricks excavated from the western region of North Korea have been found bearing an era name used after 314 when the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies had been completely ousted from the region. Others have been found with an era name used in the early fifth century. This indicates that the tradition of constructing brick chamber tombs was sustained for a century after the disappearance of the two commanderies. However, brick chamber tombs were never adopted as a burial system for the ruling class of the Goguryeo Kingdom. The Tomb of Jang Mui built in 348 and the Tomb of Dongni built in 353 both departed from the typical brick chamber tomb style of the region, and elements associated with stone chamber tombs were added to them. The Tomb of Dongsu (Anak Tomb No. 3), which is similar to the other two tombs in that its occupant is of Chinese descent, was constructed in 357 not as a brick chamber tomb, but as an earthen mound tomb with a stone chamber. Still, the continuation of brick chamber tomb tradition in the next half century has been somewhat puzzling. Although dated inscribed bricks have served as important evidence for understanding the continuation of the brick chamber tomb tradition, there has been a problem of continually repeating previous studies. It has also been pointed out that there was an error in the interpretation of era names in some of the dated inscribed bricks that had been believed to have been produced in or after 357. For example, "second year of Taean" (Taian in Chinese), which had been understood to correspond to 386 (during the Former Qin Dynasty), in fact refers to 303 (during the reign of Emperor Hui of the Western Jin Dynasty). In the case of "first year of Geonsi" (Jianshi in Chinese), which had been believed to indicate 407 (during the Later Yan Dynasty), it actually refers to 301. "Geonsi" is the era name used during the period when Sima Yun ousted Emperor Hui of the Western Jin Dynasty and briefly occupied imperial throne. Outside these two cases, the remaining dated inscribed bricks thought to have been produced in or after 357 are those dated to the "third year of Wonheung" (Yuanxing in Chinese). However, a reexamination of these bricks reveals that what is really "Yeongheung" (Yongxing in Chinese) has been misread as "Wonheung." The third year of Yeongheung corresponds to either 306 during the Western Jin Dynasty or 352 during the Later Zhao Dynasty, but it is highly probable that it refers to 306. This means that there is no conclusive evidence to support the hypothesis that brick chamber tombs were built in the area until the late fourth century and even into the early fifth. Accordingly, the Tombs of Jang Mui and Dongni should be viewed as the latest known brick chamber tombs to be constructed in the western region of North Korea. Moreover, brick chamber tombs appear to have been no longer built in the area around the time when the Tomb of Dongsu was constructed. These speculations accord with the historical circumstances of the time.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.1 s.41
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• pp.89-105
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• 2005

The central aim of this thesis is to see if the structure of Palsangjeon(捌相殿) in Pubjoo Temple(法住寺), a five sto wooden pagoda in Chosen(朝鮮) Dynasty, was handed down from the ancient and middle ages. This study was performed through an analysis of Gilt-Bronze Pagoda built in Koryo(高麗) period. In other words, it is aimed at analyzing which lineage the structure of Palsangjeonbelongs to as a wooden pagoda. In analyzing the structure of Palsangjeon, I attempted to find out its source from the remains of Koryo period prior to the Chosen Dynasty. Examples are the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda, built during the Koryo period. I have also examined its relationship with other existing wooden pagodas and remains. The analysis of Palsangjeon, a five story wooden pagoda in Chosen Dynasty, focuses on the following: First, I explored the possibilities of whether the structure of Palsangjeon was newly invented in Chosen Dynasty, or if it had been derived from the wooden pagodas in the Koryo period. Secondly, I tried to find out if the stable vertical planes, with a great successive diminution ratio, were derived from the middle age, i.e. Koryo period. The results of the study of Palsangjeon through Gilt-Bronze Pagoda analysis are as follows: 1. The structure of Gilt-Bronze Pagoda, a wooden pagoda from the Koryo period, is roughly classified into the accumulation type, using pipe pillars, and the one story type using whole pillars. In the accumulation type, stories are connected in either a flat format or an intervening format. The Gilt-Bronze Pagoda is mainly composed of pipe pillars, with some whole pillars. However, the central pillar was omitted in the building structure. Generally, the upper and lower stories are connected by pipe pillars in a crutch format. All the pillars, whether they are pipe pillars or whole pillars, used Naiten(內轉) technology. The Eave supporter has the Haang type(下昻) and the Muhaang type(無下昻). In most cases, high balustrades are furnished, but few tables of high balustrades have been found. The slanting roof formats have been handed down from Paekche(百濟), Silla(新羅), or Koryo(高麗). However, the structure of the octagon is assumed to be derived from Koguryo(高句麗). The structure of the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda from the Koryo period is mainly composed of accumulated flat squares, with some spire types. intervening format, the structure of Palsangjeon used whole pillars in a half story format in which upper level side pillars are installed on the lower level tie beam. From the Bronze Pagoda from the Koryo period, we can assume that the half story format of wooden pagodas that has stable vertical planes with a great successive diminution ratio was created during the mid-Koryo period at the latest and had been idly developed by the time of the Chosen Dynasty. 3. The whole pillars in Palsangjeon are also found in Gilt-Bronze Pagodas from the Koryo period. Hence, all of the pillars in Palsangjeon seem to have been handed down from the ancient construction technology. They were also used in the construction of wooden pagodas from the Koryo period. Therefore, it is assumed that Palsangjeon was constructed using the construction technology of the Chosen Dynasty that had been developed from the wooden pagoda construction technology of the Koryo period. The stable vertical planes with a great successive diminution ratio in Palsangjeon are derived from ancient Korean wooden pagodas, which have developed into indigenous Korean wooden pagodas with fairly stable vertical planes and a great design, in the half story format of Koryo and Chosen Dynasty. Therefore, it is assumed that the structure of Palsangjeon has a systematic relationship with traditional Korean wooden pagodas and is one of the indigenous Korean wooden pagoda structures. 4. In China, the intervening format has been mainly used between stories in multi-story architecture since the ancient days. At the same time, the flat format as also used in ancient and middle ages. However, the flat format was replaced by whole pillars during the Ming(明) and Manchu(淸) Dynasties, in favor of simple and compact construction. The half-story format, in which upper level side pillars are installed on tie beams, has been found in some cases, but it doesn't seem to have been the primary construction technology. Few traces of the half-story format have been found in multi-story architecture in Japan, and it has not been used as a general construction format. By contrast, the half-story format, which seems to have been derived from the Koryo period, was used as a general construction format in multi-story architecture of the Chosen Dynasty. The construction technology of multi-story architecture is related to that of multi-story wooden pagodas, but they have different production technologies. It seems that the structure of Palsangjeon did not just adopt the construction technology of multi-story architecture in the Chosen Dynasty, but it was developed from wooden pagodas in the Koryo period, including the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda. 5. Since the ancient days, most Chinese and Japanese wooden pagodas have adopted an accumulation type of structure using pipe pillars, with accumulated pointed towers. On the other hand, though most Korean wooden pagodas have also adopted an accumulation type of structure from the ancientdays, one story type using whole pillars was created in the Koryo and Chosen Dynasties. The wooden pagoda structure of Palsangjeon, with stable vertical planes in a half story format, is a unique Korean construction technology, different from the construction technologies of Chinese and Japanese wooden pagodas. This thesis clearly determined the structural characteristics of Palsangjeon. However, various remains have yet to be analyzed in depth, to establish an accurate construction technology system. In the beginning of this thesis, I had difficulty in precisely interpreting the internal structure of the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda from its appearance. However, in the process of study, the more serious problem was that there are few remains or ruins of multi-story architecture in ancient and the middle ages of Korea. Therefore, it is urgent to discover various remains in the future. This thesis succeeded in determining the structural characteristics of Palsangjeon. However, it fell short of clarifying the structural lineage of the stable vertical planes, although they show indigenous Korean architectural taste, representing the unique national emotion, and the construction format of multi-story wooden pagodas in Korea. I hope this is clarified in the future research.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.555-652
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• 1996

Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.36-73
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.