• Title/Summary/Keyword: King's son-in-law

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A Study on Procedure and Costume for a Royal Wedding Ceremony of Princes and Princesses in the 17th Century (17세기 왕자녀 가례 절차 및 복식 연구)

  • Kim, Jiyeon
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.66 no.3
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    • pp.162-179
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    • 2016
  • This study examined the 17th century wedding ceremonies of princes and princesses recorded in the "Garyedeungrok(嘉禮謄錄)". The Joseon dynasty royal weddings were held outside the palace, so it could have influenced wedding ceremonies of commoners. Royal weddings for princes and princesses were considered to be on a level between that of a king and commoners. Wedding procedure of princes and princesses was carried out under the leadership of the royal family who officiated at a marriage with the king's approval. In addition, kindred of the king and high-ranking officials participated as the maid of honor in the wedding parade. This was completely different between the royal wedding and the scholar-gentry ones. A difference between the prince and the princess was that the princess paid her respect to the shrine of the house of her groom after the wedding ceremony. However, there was no process for the prince's bride. There also existed a wide disparity in the wedding goods of princes and princesses. The prince and the king's son-in-law both held a wedding ceremony to wear Chopo, but there was a difference in decoration or quantity of Danlyeong(團領) Cheollik(帖裏) Hoseul(護膝) belts. Only princes were allowed to use the ornamental knife and the embroidered pouch. While both the princess and prince's wife wore No-ui(露衣) and Jangsam(長衫) as the wedding clothes, there was discrimination of position in terms of hair decoration, Hwalhansam(闊汗衫), skirt, Hosu(胡袖) and Ni-ui(裏衣). There was also a difference of quantity of Jeogori and skirts, as well as various styles of gold decorations in order to distinguish the Gongju(daughter of the king) and the Gunju (daughter of the crown prince)'s position.

Procedures and Items for Royal Wedding Ceremonies of Princesses on 『Hwasunongju-garyedeungrok(和順翁主嘉禮謄錄)』 (『화순옹주가례등록(和順翁主嘉禮謄錄)』에 나타난 가례 절차와 물목 연구)

  • Kim, Jiyeon
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.65 no.3
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    • pp.131-150
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    • 2015
  • This article studied the procedures and items used in royal princess weddings by examining "Garyedeungrok(嘉禮謄錄)" which describes Princess Hwasun(和順翁主, 1720-1758)'s wedding in 1732. This was the first wedding by a princess during King Yeongjo(英祖)'s reign. Preparation for the wedding was made based on the previous weddings of royal princesses, but it did not follow the old tradition. The wedding costs were cut down, and it was done in a simpler way than before. However, the simplification of elaborate wedding outfits were not part of this change as ceremonial robes such as No-ui(露衣), Jangsam(長衫) and Chopo(綃袍) were used without much alteration. The wedding ceremony of Princess Hwasun shows the transition process from the royal princess wedding ceremony traditions and rituals in the late 17th century to "Gukhonjeongrye", which emerged and became solidified as a new social norm in the 18th century. A legitimate royal princess and a de facto princess from King's concubine were hardly different when it came to their royal outfitting but the disparity in social status between the two was found in the materials used to make clothes for their respective husbands. Princess Hwasun's wedding procedure shown in "Garyedeungrok" is similar to that of "Gukjo-orye-ui(國朝五禮儀)": Napchae(納采), Nappye(納幣), Chinyeong(親迎), Dongroe(同牢), Hyeongugo(見舅姑), Hyeonsadang(見祠堂), and Seojohyeon(壻朝見). But "Garyedeungrok" deals with the procedures of Gantaek(揀擇), Buma-guanrye(駙馬冠禮), and Seonon(宣醞), which are not included in "Gukjo-orye-ui", and also with the process of preparation for wedding items and the information of related people. However, it is hard to learn about its specific shapes and features because it is often restricted to lists such as a list of clothing. Collecting new materials and an in-depth and succeeding study are required in the future.

Oedipa's Quest and Two Americas (에디파의 탐구와 두 개의 미국)

  • Son, Dongchul
    • English & American cultural studies
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.273-295
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    • 2009
  • As Oedipa Mass, the heroine of Thomas Pynchon's The Crying of Lot 49, is apparently associated with Oedipus, the hero in Sophocles' tragedy, this paper aims to show some of their similarities in quest theme and plot development as well as in the use of dramatic irony. Oedipus the King opens with a priest's pleas to relieve the Theban people from a plague and the king's promise to rid its cause by avenging the murder of the former king, as told by the oracle. Lot 49 begins as a Los Angeles law firm informs Oedipa that she is named as the executrix in her former lover Inverarity's will to sort out the mogul's estate. Ironically, however, Oedipus' investigation reveals himself to be the very cause of the national disaster, the murderer for whom he searched. Likewise, Oedipa starts her inquiry dedicating herself to make sense out of what Inverarity had left behind, only to find that the legacy was America. Sophocles and Pynchon both employ dramatic irony to provide a controlling principle for plot development in their works. In Oedipus the King, Sophocles creates mounting tension as well as distance between the reader's knowledge and the protagonist's ignorance, compressing the play's action into the moment that Oedipus discovers his real identity. For dramatic irony, however, Pynchon tends to work through authorial comments and utilize allegorical meanings of the characters' names, directing his novel at illuminating Oedipa's discovery of Inverarity's legacy as well as the meaning of Tristero, an underground postal service system. Unlike Oedipus the King that proceeds on a single line of action, Lot 49 develops in esoteric, multi-layered allusions and intricately-interrelated double strains involving Oedipa's roles as executrix and quester. At the end of Sophocles' tragedy, Oedipus stabs his eyes and decides to live in exile, realizing that, blinded, he begot his children through his mother; Oedipa comes to a painful realization that she allowed her former lover to create death-orienting America without her diversity and moral system in old times. As Oedipa now discovers herself through her search for Tristero, her tragic spirit lies in her determination to confront her binary choices between two Americas: transcendence or entropy, the Tristero possibility or Inverarity's America. Ultimately, Oedipa tries to find who will be the bidder for the Tristero forged stamps designated as lot 49, awaiting the auctioneer's cry and the "crying" of a new-born America.

The Palaces Weoldae(月臺) structure, in the latter half period of Joseon, and related rituals (조선후기 궁궐의 전각(殿閣) 월대(月臺)와 의례 - <동궐도>와 <서궐도안>을 대상으로 -)

  • Lee, Hyun-jin;Son, shin-young
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.67
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    • pp.379-418
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    • 2017
  • Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

A Study On Interrelationship Between Korean And Mongolian Costume Laying Emphasis On The Age Of Mongolia's Invasion Upon Corea (한국(韓國).몽고복식(蒙古服飾)의 상관성(相關性) 연구(硏究)(II) - 고려시대(高麗時代)의 몽고침략기(蒙古侵略期)를 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Son, Kyung-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.16
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    • pp.15-42
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    • 1991
  • A nation's culture isn't consisted by the characteristics of the nation only, but it is greatly affected by the geographical features and natural conditions, and it could be also dominated by the continual effect through mutual contact on economic exchange or social problem and political interests with neighboring countries. It is a well known fact that the contact of culture between Korea and Mongolia established under the special political situation that Corea was invaded by Won. But more basically, the Nomad including Mongolia had influenced upon neighboring countries, therefore, our country was also greatly influenced on consisting of our own culture by them. Moreover. the fact that our language belongs to their language's category(mostly Tweigru and Mongolian language) proves that the origin of our culture was deeply related with Mongolia. Accordingly, we could not limit the cultural relation between Korea and Mongolia within a special era. But especially, since unification of China by Mongolia, Won which appeared as a new great nation had dominated Corea for one hundred years, and the Corea's costume culture had a point of conversion to the mongolian. Therefore, this study expects to comment upon the relations of costume between Corea and Mongolia from a view point of Corea's tribute and royal gifts gifts by Mongolia written on the reference literatures. 1) From the ancient times, between our country and Mongolia there has been a direct or indirect exchange caused by the people's movement or invasion due to very closed neighboring. The relations between Corea and Mongolia have started from the mongolia's requests of tribute for the reason why they helped Corea against the Keoran's invasion, and these relation had continued by King Kongmin's age. 2) Mongolia had plundered a tribute such as dress, cereals, horses, military supplies, soldiers, maiden and little girls etc. from Corea, and therefore, a great confusion occurred on political, economic and social fields. And since King Chungyoul of Corea got married with a Princess of Won, the Corea's position was placed as the Buma nation(nation of son in law) and then high class people of Corea preferred to follow the mongolian costume such as Byunbal (pigtail), Ho dress (mongolian dress), Rouges, Chockturi (a kind of formal cap) and Doturak pigtail ribbon, and some have been applied up to date. On the other hand, the custom of Corea had transmitted to the Mongolian nobility, they called it "Corea Yang(style)". 3) The costume of Corea could be divided into three different periods, the first is the period influenced by Tang and Song's regime, the second is affected by the Won's costume and the third is applying the Myung's regime in the end of Corea. The Mongolian dress was based on the Ho dress form and it has been developed through compounding artistic traditional fields and foreign customs in long history. And Mongolia is composed of various tribes, therefore, they have their own dress for each tribe. Our country and Mongolia had a similar dress form based on Ho dress and both used the Chacksukunggo (jacket with small sleeves and slacks) and Seon(line). And the ornaments of costume such as Chockturi, Doturak pigtail ribbon and Rouges had transmitted and fixed down as a traditional wedding garment, but the Rouges has been used by noble women from the ancient times in our country. Since a member of the Society of Korean Costume has visited Mongolia in August 1990 for the first time, I really recognized the neccesity of more detailed study on the costume relation between Korea and Mongolia, and I will proceed with the study on various fields of costume under cooperation of Institute of Oriental Academy of Mongolia.

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Namnyeong-wie, Yun Eui-Seon's Everyday Clothes included in Wedding Gift List in 1837 (남녕위(南寧尉) 윤의선(尹宜善)의 1837년 「혼수발기」 속 부마 편복(便服) 고찰)

  • LEE, Eunjoo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.3
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    • pp.68-89
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    • 2021
  • In August 1837, a list of wedding gifts was given by Queen Sunwon (1789-1857) to her son-in-law, Namnyeong-wie, Yun Eui-Seon (1823-1887) at the wedding of Princess Deok-on (1822-1844). This Honsubalgi is now kept at the National Hangeul Museum. This text was used in the present study to examine the everyday clothes of the royal son-in-law in the early 19th century. First, the everyday clothes were organized into about 36 types. They were classified as tops, bottoms, hats, accessories, belts, pouches, fans and shoes. Second, the most important clothes were the ordinary formal attire, composed of the namgwangsa dopo and namgwangcho changui. As for the bottoms, the pants, the Chinese hemp leggings, two pairs of socks, the green silk belt, and a pair of light blue ankle ties were identified. Third, as for the head and accessories, there were heukrip, with the gemstone string and silk string, the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan, as well as tang-geon and bok-geon. And there were the sangtu-gwan, three types of donggos, and the mang-geon equipped with okgwanja. On the other hand, the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan are peculiar hats whose status has changed over time since the mid-18th century. The fact that the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan were given to Namnyeong-wie showed that the status of these hats improved in the early reign of King Heonjong. The belt was given with the sejodae that is suitable for the dangsang, the coral plates, and the silk bag containing a flint pouch. Fourth, there were the red-colored sejodae, a ssamji silk pouch for flint and the fan decorated with okseonchu, and shoes, such as unhye and danghye.

Management of Naturalized Citizens from Yeozin and Its Limitation Through the Event of Guilsang(吉尙) in the Early 17th Century - Centering on 『Naturalization Registration』 (길상사건(吉尙事件)을 통해 본 17세기 초 향화호인(向化胡人) 관리 실태와 한계 - 『향화인등록(向化人謄錄)』을 중심으로 -)

  • Yi, Sun Hui
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.37
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    • pp.93-126
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    • 2009
  • This study is about a event, which happened on January of 1603 in Hamheung. It has covered from the beginning through the conclusion of the event. The event was ignited by a naturalized citizen, Guilsang's coming to the capital city without permission from the government. With this study I've wished to find the situations of specific management of naturalized citizens as well as popular attitudes towards them at the time. Concerning with the event of Guilsang, I could find more detailed situations from "Naturalization Registration". The reason why Guilsang came to Seoul was that he wanted to ask for living together with his son-in-law's family in Yang-Ju. Before his coming, Bie-Byun-Sa had sent a official letter to the governor of Hamkyung-Do so that he had had to move somewhere between Anbyun and Yung-heung. But Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family in Seoul. The place he visited first was Sa-Yuk-Won. He presented his petition through Yeozin language translator there. Sa-Yuk-Won then informed Ye-Jo to have him investigated. After its investigation, Ye-Jo reported to the king. There were arguments about Guilsang family in the government. Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family, including his relatives and son-in-law. Guilsang's request had more pros than cons in terms of humanism. But letting him live in Seoul was a difficult decision for the government. but his family strenuously insisted on living in Seoul, trying to kill itself. Finally Government selected Yong-In which was a compromise between the naturalized citizens' wish and difficult position of Government. Yong-In Miejo-Hyun was a poor region where naturalized citizens had lived before but now empty after the wars. In the process of the event of Guilsang, Government differentiated naturalized citizens from general citizens and regarded them foreign. A man from Yeozin was naturalized due to economic reason. But, he couldn't accept to live somewhere except Seoul, separating from his family. Government concerned with dangers of naturalized citizen becoming into foreign agents and stabilization of borders. These concerns caused the policy of residential control and decentralization of naturalized citizens failed.

A Study on Nam Nyeong-wie Yun Uiseon's Gwanbok Described in the List of Wedding Gifts in 1837 (남녕위(南寧尉) 윤의선(尹宜善)의 1837년 「혼수발기」 속 관복(冠服) 고찰)

  • Lee, Eunjoo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.200-221
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    • 2019
  • The National Hangeul Museum houses a document list of the wedding gifts that Queen Sunwon granted her royal son-in-law, Nam Nyeong-wie, in August 1837. A total of 55 items were recorded in Hangeul Gungseo style on yellow paper. This list included four types of government officials' uniforms, casual wear, accessories, etc. The results of studying the 19th-century male officials' uniforms through this historic record were as follows. The clothing record in the List of Wedding Gifts was more accurate than that in the Dukongongju Garyedeungrok. The four types of government official uniforms for Nam Nyeong-wie included jeobok, sangbok, sibok, and gongbok. For the joebok, there was geumkwan, daehong-hangrah joebok, baeksam, ahole, seodae, gakpae, peseul, paeok, husu, and mokhwa. The record of the List confirms that baeksam was used as jungdan for joebok. For the gongbok, there was daehong-hangrah gongbok, blue seolhancho duhgre, blue saenggyeonggwangju changui, and green waehangrah kurimae. The record of the List shows that the lining of the gongbok was duhgre, and confirms, for the first time, that changui and kurimae were worn inside the gongbok. For the sangbok, there was samo, ssanghakhyungbae embroidered with golden thread, dark green cloud patterned gapsa gwandae, blue cloud patterned gapsa duhgre, blue ssangmuncho changui, and Chinese purple hwamunsa kurimae. For the sibok, there was pink gwangsa gwandae, and blue gwangcho duhgre. For the lining, blue duhgre was used. Lastly, the fabrics used for those costumes were all suitable for the climate in August.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.