Koo, Ho-Seok;Song, Young Jin;Lee, Seung Heon;Lee, Young Min;Kim, Hyun Gook;Park, I-Nae;Jung, Hoon;Choi, Sang Bong;Lee, Sung-Soon;Hur, Jin-Won;Lee, Hyuk Pyo;Yum, Ho-Kee;Choi, Soo Jeon;Lee, Hyun-Kyung
Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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v.66
no.3
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pp.192-197
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2009
Background: Despite the benefits of home oxygen therapy in patients suffering chronic respiratory failure, previous reports in Korea revealed lower compliance to oxygen therapy and a shorter time for oxygen use than expected. However, these papers were published before oxygen therapy was covered by the national insurance system. Therefore, this study examined whether there were some changes in compliance, using time and other clinical features of home oxygen therapy after insurance coverage. Methods: This study reviewed the medical records of patients prescribed home oxygen therapy in our hospital from November 1, 2006 to September 31, 2008. The patients were interviewed either in person or by telephone to obtain information related to oxygen therapy. Results: During study period, a total 105 patients started home oxygen therapy. The mean age was 69 and 60 (57%) were male. The mean oxygen partial pressure in the arterial blood was 54.5 mmHg and oxygen saturation was 86.3%. Primary diseases that caused hypoxemia were COPD (n=64), lung cancer (n=14), Tb destroyed lung (n=12) and others. After oxygen therapy, more than 50% of patients experienced relief of their subjective dyspnea. The mean daily use of oxygen was 9.8${\pm}$7.3 hours and oxygen was not used during activity outside of their home (mean time, 5.4${\pm}$3.7 hours). Twenty four patients (36%) stopped using oxygen voluntarily 7${\pm}$4.7 months after being prescribed oxygen and showed a less severe pulmonary and right heart function. The causes of stopping were subjective symptom relief (n=11), inconvenience (n=6) and others (7). Conclusion: The prescription of home oxygen has increased since national insurance started to cover home oxygen therapy. However, the mean time for using oxygen is still shorter than expected. During activity of outside their home, patients could not use oxygen due to the absence of portable oxygen. Overall, continuous education to change the misunderstandings about oxygen therapy, more economic support from national insurance and coverage for portable oxygen are needed to extend the oxygen use time and maintain oxygen usage.
This research has studied the changes of Gwi-po(轉角包) by taking the cases of China's medieval wooden buildings as objects. The purpose of the study is to examine the time-periodic transition process of Gwi-po through the cases of 71 wooden buildings which were built from Tang(唐) dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) until Jin(金) dynasty(AD 1115~1234) and also designated as 'Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level'. This research has taken note of various frame types of Jwau-dae(左右隊), which are architectural components of Gwi-po, to study the changes and development process of Gwi-po. The results are as follows. An important factor in the transformations of Gwi-po format is the changes in perception of the craftsmen about Jwau-dae, who took charge in the building process. In the early periods, the principles of Yidou sanshen dougong(一斗三升) in constructing ancons of Gwi-po had been well-maintained, while there appeared many different types of Gwi-po in later periods, due to the usage of Jwau-dae and $Shu{\check{a}}$$t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in each Chulmok of Gwi-po. Transitional types of Gwi-po, which were evolved from the earlier ones, are divided into 3 categories by different forms of Jwau-dae, placed on odd number stages. The first one is 'none-$f{\bar{a}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125) buildings, which doesn't have $f{\bar{a}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s, for the reason that Jwau-dae(左右隊) is in direct contact with Gwihan-dae(耳限大). The second one is '$Shu{\check{a}}$$t{\acute{o}}u$$f{\bar{a}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Jin dynasty(AD 1115~1234), that has $f{\bar{a}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae(左右隊) identical to $Shu{\check{a}}$$t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in form. The last one is '$Xi{\check{a}}o$$g{\check{o}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Jin(AD 1115~1234) and Yuan dynasty(AD 1271~1368), which has $f{\bar{a}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae identical to $Xi{\check{a}}o$$g{\check{o}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) in form. The earlier forms of Gwi-po, which appeared between Tang dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) and Five Dynasties periods(907~960) went through transitional forms of 'non-$f{\bar{a}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type', '$Shu{\check{a}}$$t{\acute{o}}u$$f{\bar{a}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' and '$Xi{\check{a}}o$$g{\check{o}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' and finally had its form settled between Yuan(元, AD 1271~1368) and Ming(明. AD 1368~1644) dynasty periods. In Liao(遼) dynasty period(AD 907~1125), as the buildings got bigger and the tendency of longer eave-exposure was implemented, there grew a certain need to structurally reinforce Gwi-po, on which load of the whole roof is concentrated. Especially, the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style in this period had a great influence on standardization of Gwi-po, along with None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style. Furthermore, Wing-type Gong(翼型?), which developed in Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125), is also thought to have had a great influence on the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style by changing the forms of Gongs(?), such as Gwi-po. However, unlike None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style, there occurred a gradual change from '$Shu{\check{a}}$$t{\acute{o}}u$$f{\bar{a}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' to '$Xi{\check{a}}o$$g{\check{o}}ng$$t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Gwi-po in $Xi{\grave{a}}$${\acute{a}}ng$ style.
CheomSeongDae (瞻星臺) is a stone structure built in Gyeongju, the former Silla Dynasty capital, during the reign of Queen Seondeok (632~647AD). There exist dozens of hypotheses regarding its original purpose. Depending on to whom you ask, the answer could be a celestial observatory, a religious altar, a Buddhist stupa, a monumental tower symbolizing scientific knowledge, and so on. The most common perception of the structure among lay people is a stargazing tower. Historians, however, have suggested that it was intended as "a gateway to the heavens", specifically the Trāyastriṃśa or the second of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu located on the top of Mountain Sumeru. The name "Cheom-seong-dae" could be interpreted in many different ways. 'Cheom (瞻)' could refer to looking up, staring, or admiring, etc.; 'Seong (星)' could mean a star, heaven, night, etc.; and 'heaven' in that context can be a physical or religious reference. 'Dae (臺)' usually refers to a high platform on which people stand or things are placed. Researchers from the science fields often read 'cheom-seong' as 'looking at stars'; while historians read it as 'admiring the Trāyastriṃśa' or 'adoring Śakra'. Śakra is said to be the ruler of Trāyastriṃśa' who governs the Four Heavenly Kings in the Cāturmahārājika heaven, the first of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu. Śakra is the highest authority of the heavenly kings in direct contact with humankind. This paper examined the usages of 'cheom-seong' in Chinese literature dated prior to the publication of 『Samguk Yusa』, a late 13th century Korean Buddhist historical book that contains the oldest record of the structure among all extant historical texts. I found the oldest usage of cheom-seong (瞻星臺) in 『Ekottara Āgama』, a Buddhist script translated into Chinese in the late 4th century, and was surprised to learn that its meaning was 'looking up at the brightness left by Śakra'. I also found that 'cheom-seong' had been incorporated in various religious contexts, such as Hinduism, Confucianism, Buddhist, Christianism, and Taoism. In Buddhism, there was good, bad, and neutral cheom-seong. Good cheom-seong meant to look up to heaven in the practice of asceticism, reading the heavenly god's intentions, and achieving the mindfulness of Buddhism. Bad cheom-seong included all astrological fortunetelling activities performed outside the boundaries of Buddhism. Neutral cheom-seong is secular. It may help people to understand the nature of the physical world, but was considered to have little meaning unless relating to the spiritual world of Buddhism. Cheom-seong had been performed repetitively in the processes of constructing Buddhist temples in China. According to Buddhist scripts, Queen Māyā of Sakya, the birth mother of Gautama Buddha, died seven days after the birth of Buddha, and was reborn in the Trāyastriṃśa heaven. Buddha, before reaching nirvana, ascended from Jetavana to Trāyastriṃśa and spent three months together with his mother. Gautama Buddha then returned to the human world, stepping upon the stairs built by Viśvakarman, the deity of the creative power in Trāyastriṃśa. In later years, King Asoka built a stupa at the site where Buddha descended. Since then, people have believed that the stairway to the heavens appears at a Buddhist stupa. Carefully examining the paragraphic structure of 『Samguk Yusa』's records on Cheomseongdae, plus other historical records, the fact that the alignment between the tomb of Queen Seondeok and Cheomseongdae perfectly matches the sunrise direction at the winter solstice supports this paper's position that Chemseongdae, built in the early years of Queen SeonDeok's reign (632~647AD), was a gateway to the Trāyastriṃśa heaven, just like the stupa at the Daci Temple (慈恩寺) in China built in 654. The meaning of 'Cheom-seong-dae' thus turns out to be 'adoring Trāyastriṃśa stupa', not 'stargazing platform'.
"The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.
There are several factors concerning to anemia in chronic renal failure patients. But when rHuEPO is used, most of these factors can be overcome, and the levels of hemoglobin are increased. However, about 10% of the renal failure patients represent rHuEPO-resistant anemia eventhough high dosage of rHuEPO. For these cases, desferrioxamine can be applied to correct rHuEPO resistnacy, and many mechanism of DFO are arguing. So we are going to know whether DFO can be applied to correct anemia of the such patients, how long its effect can be continued. The seven pateients as experimental group(DFO+EPO) who represent refractoriness to rHuEPO and the other seven patients as control group(EPO) were included. Experimental group had lower than 9 g/dL of hemoglobin levels despite high rHuEPO dosage (more than 4000U/Wk) and showed normocytic normochromic anemia. There were no definitve causes of anemia such as hemorrhage or iron deficiency. Control group patients had similar characteristics in age, mean dialysis duration but showed adequate response to rHuEPO. DFO was administered to experimental group for 8 weeks along with rHuEPO(the rHuEPO individual mean dosage had been determined by mean dosage of the previous 6 months. Total mean dosage; 123.5 U/Kg/Wk). After 8 weeks of DFO administration, the hemoglobin and rHuEPO dosage levels were checked for 15 consecutive months. It should be noted that the patients determined their own rHuEPO dosage levels according to hemoglobin levels and economic status. In conrol group, rHuEPO was administered by the same method used in experimental group without DFO through the same period. Fifteen months of observation period after DFO trial were divided as Time I(7 months after DFO trial) and Time II(8 months after Time I). The results are as follows: Before DFO trial, mean hemoglobin level of experimental group was 7.8 g/dL, which is similar level(p>0.05) to control group(mean Hb; 8.2 g/dL). But in experimental group, significantly(p<0.05) higher dosages of rHuEPO(mean; 123.5 U/Kg/Wk) than control group (mean; 41.6 U/Kg/Wk) had been used. It means resistancy to rHuEPO of experimental group. But after DFO trial, the hemoglobin levels of the experimental group were increased significantly(p<0.05), and these effect were continued to Time II.(Time I; mean 8.6g/dL, Time II; mean 8.6g/dL) The effects of DFO to hemoglobin were continued for 15 months after DFO trial with similar degree through Time I, Time II. Also, rHuEPO dosages used in the experimental group were decreased to similar levels of the control group after DFO trial and these effect were also continued for 15 months(Time I; mean 48.1 U/Kg/Wk. Time II; mean 51.8 U/Kg/Wk). In the same period, hemoglobin levels and rHuEPO dosages used in the control group were not changed significantly. Notibly, hemoglobin increment and rHuEPO usage decrement in experimental group were showed maxilly in the 1st month after DFO trial. That is, after the use of DFO, erythopoiesis was enhanced with a reduced rHuEPO dosage. So we think rHuEPO reisistancy can be overcome by DFO therapy. In conclusion, the DFO can improve the anemia caused by chronic renal failure at least over 1 year, and hence, can reduce the dosage of rHuEPO for anemia correction. Additional studies in order to determine the mechanism of DFO on erythropoiesis and careful attention to potential side effects of DFO will be needed.
Internet commerce has been growing at a rapid pace for the last decade. Many firms try to reach wider consumer markets by adding the Internet channel to the existing traditional channels. Despite the various benefits of the Internet channel, a significant number of firms failed in managing the new type of channel. Previous studies could not cleary explain these conflicting results associated with the Internet channel. One of the major reasons is most of the previous studies conducted analyses under a specific market condition and claimed that as the impact of Internet channel introduction. Therefore, their results are strongly influenced by the specific market settings. However, firms face various market conditions in the real worlddensity and disutility of using the Internet. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of various market environments on a firm's optimal channel strategy by employing a flexible game theory model. We capture various market conditions with consumer density and disutility of using the Internet.
shows the channel structures analyzed in this study. Before the Internet channel is introduced, a monopoly manufacturer sells its products through an independent physical store. From this structure, the manufacturer could introduce its own Internet channel (MI). The independent physical store could also introduce its own Internet channel and coordinate it with the existing physical store (RI). An independent Internet retailer such as Amazon could enter this market (II). In this case, two types of independent retailers compete with each other. In this model, consumers are uniformly distributed on the two dimensional space. Consumer heterogeneity is captured by a consumer's geographical location (ci) and his disutility of using the Internet channel (${\delta}_{N_i}$).
shows various market conditions captured by the two consumer heterogeneities.
(a) illustrates a market with symmetric consumer distributions. The model captures explicitly the asymmetric distributions of consumer disutility in a market as well. In a market like that is represented in
(c), the average consumer disutility of using an Internet store is relatively smaller than that of using a physical store. For example, this case represents the market in which 1) the product is suitable for Internet transactions (e.g., books) or 2) the level of E-Commerce readiness is high such as in Denmark or Finland. On the other hand, the average consumer disutility when using an Internet store is relatively greater than that of using a physical store in a market like (b). Countries like Ukraine and Bulgaria, or the market for "experience goods" such as shoes, could be examples of this market condition.
summarizes the various scenarios of consumer distributions analyzed in this study. The range for disutility of using the Internet (${\delta}_{N_i}$) is held constant, while the range of consumer distribution (${\chi}_i$) varies from -25 to 25, from -50 to 50, from -100 to 100, from -150 to 150, and from -200 to 200.
summarizes the analysis results. As the average travel cost in a market decreases while the average disutility of Internet use remains the same, average retail price, total quantity sold, physical store profit, monopoly manufacturer profit, and thus, total channel profit increase. On the other hand, the quantity sold through the Internet and the profit of the Internet store decrease with a decreasing average travel cost relative to the average disutility of Internet use. We find that a channel that has an advantage over the other kind of channel serves a larger portion of the market. In a market with a high average travel cost, in which the Internet store has a relative advantage over the physical store, for example, the Internet store becomes a mass-retailer serving a larger portion of the market. This result implies that the Internet becomes a more significant distribution channel in those markets characterized by greater geographical dispersion of buyers, or as consumers become more proficient in Internet usage. The results indicate that the degree of price discrimination also varies depending on the distribution of consumer disutility in a market. The manufacturer in a market in which the average travel cost is higher than the average disutility of using the Internet has a stronger incentive for price discrimination than the manufacturer in a market where the average travel cost is relatively lower. We also find that the manufacturer has a stronger incentive to maintain a high price level when the average travel cost in a market is relatively low. Additionally, the retail competition effect due to Internet channel introduction strengthens as average travel cost in a market decreases. This result indicates that a manufacturer's channel power relative to that of the independent physical retailer becomes stronger with a decreasing average travel cost. This implication is counter-intuitive, because it is widely believed that the negative impact of Internet channel introduction on a competing physical retailer is more significant in a market like Russia, where consumers are more geographically dispersed, than in a market like Hong Kong, that has a condensed geographic distribution of consumers.