• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.225-252
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• 2012

In this paper, the writer examined the procedural changes of Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和), and also investigated the evaluations thereof made by the later generations. In the stage of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), Zhuzi(朱子) ignored the theory of Lidong(李?), which was traditional theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). He met Zhangshi(張?) of HuXiang School(湖湘學派) and followed the school's philosophy, 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)', meaning what you should do first prior to making great efforts in self-cultivation is to examine the past, when desiring to know yourself. Even though Zhuzi(朱子) had learned the method of moral cultivation from Lidong(李?), he was fascinated by such method of moral cultivation as 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)' advocated by HuXiang School(湖湘學派) through discussion with Zhangshi(張?). This tells that he only recognized the fact that there were no achievements WeiFa(未發), but only the achievements YiFa(已發). In the stage of ZhongHeXinShuo(中和新說), he realized the mistakes committed in the time of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), and put emphasis upon the achievements in the time WeiFa(未發). Zhuzi(朱子) had explained the relationships among mind, nature, and emotional bond as by his theory, 'XinTongXingQing(心統性情)', meaning that mind controls humans' original nature. Also he followed self-cultivation of Respect, no longer believing the Huhong(胡宏)'s XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養). Such a method of self-cultivation means that his method of moral cultivation centered on the achievements YiFa(已發), which was originated from HuXiang School(湖湘學派), had been changed into the method of moral cultivation with a focus on the achievements WeiFa(未發), which was theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). However, Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) that had seemed perfect began to be discussed and polished again during Joseon Period through the debates between Ligu(栗谷) and Niuxi(牛溪) in the 16th century, and through the debates between Youan(尤庵) and Yuxuan(寓軒) in the 17th century, also through the HuLuoLunZheng(湖洛論爭) represented by Nantang(南塘) and Weiyan(巍巖). Since Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) had some flaws, it had to put through such debates as mentioned above. Those debates were generated because imperfections were found in the theory of ZhongHe(中和) by Zhuzi(朱子).

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

This paper aims to clarify the similarities and differences between the Zhouyi and artificial intelligence. The divination of the Zhouyi is rooted in the oldest system of human knowledge, while artificial intelligence stands at the cutting edge of modern scientific revolution. At first sight, there does not appear to be any association that links the one to the another. However, they share the same ground as seen from a semiotic standpoint because both of them depend on the semiotic system as a means of obtaining knowledge. At least four aspects can be pointed out in terms of similarities. First, artificial intelligence and the Zhouyi use artificial language that consists of semiotic signs. Secondly, the principle that enables divination and artificial intelligence lies in imitation and representation. Thirdly, artificial intelligence and the Zhouyi carry out inferences based on mathematical algorithms that adopt the binary system. Fourth, artificial intelligence and the Zhouyi use analogy as a means of obtaining knowledge. However, those similarities do not guarantee that the Zhouyi could arrive at the scientific certainty. Nevertheless, it can give us important insight into the essence of our civilization. The Zhouyi uses intellect in order to get new information about the unknown world. However, it is hard to know what kind of intellect is involved in the process of divination. Likewise, we do not know the fundamental character of artificial intelligence. The intellect hidden in the unknown subject is a mystic and fearful existence to us. Just as the divination of the Zhouyi inspires the sense of reverence toward the supernatural subject, we could not but have fear in front of the invisible subject hidden in artificial intelligence. In the past, traditional philosophy acknowledged the existence of intellect only in conscious beings. Nonetheless, it becomes evident that human civilization ushers into a new epoch. As Ray Kurzweil mentioned, the moment of singularity comes when artificial intelligence surpasses human intelligence. In my viewpoint, the term of singularity can be used for denoting the critical point in which the human species enters into the new phase of civilization. To borrow the term of Shao Yong(邵雍) in the Northern Song Dynasty, the past civilization belongs to the Earlier Heaven(先天), the future civilization belongs to the Later Heaven(後天). Once our civilization passes over the critical point, it is impossible to go back into the past. The opening of the Later Heaven foretold by the religious thinkers in the late period of Joseon Dynasty was a prophecy in its own age, but it is becoming a reality in the present.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.415-440
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• 2018

On September 23, 2015, the Ministry of Education announced the 2015 revision of educational curriculum which aimed at 'cultivating creative talents' based on the Article 23, Section 2 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Law. As a result, music curriculum have also been partially revised, which seems to maintain the 2009 revision of music curriculum. Although Jeongganbo 井間譜 is already exposed in the music curriculum for the third and forth grades of elementary school, the learning content about how to read Jeongganbo and how to express the pitch and length of sound including the origin of its name and the background of its invention are dealt with specifically in the fifth and sixth grades. Jeongganbo is known as the oldest mensural notation in the Orient created by King Sejong of the Joseon Dynasty in the middle of the $15^{th}$ century, and it was used for the first time in Sejong sillok akbo 世宗實錄樂譜 (Scores in the Annals of King Sejong), the oldest musical score still in existence. However, in the music textbooks as well as the most of specialized books related to the Korean traditional music, it is uncritically accepted without providing clear grounds that Sejong invented Jeongganbo himself. If so, it is necessary to investigate on which grounds it is claimed that Sejong invented Jeongganbo. This paper first examined the grounds of the proposition that "Sejong invented Jeongganbo," which is introduced in the music textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades of elementary school, by separating it into Sejong's creation of Sinak 新樂 (new music), Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo and Sejong's invention of Hangeul. Next, this paper examined how the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo has been described in the textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades in elementary school based on the 2009 revision of music curriculum, and suggested the direction of a desirable music education by pointing out the related problems. According to historical records and circumstances such as Sejong's creation of Sinak, Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo with 16 Jeonggan (square) in one vertical line, Sejong's invention of Hangeul and so on, it seems to be the most reasonable that Sejong is the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo as of now. However, the attitude of the musical academy to accept and educate the unclear thing as if it is a fact does not seem desirable. Therefore, I suggest that it should be described "Jeongganbo was invented in the period of Sejong" or "it is supposed that Jeongganbo was invented by Sejong" rather than presenting "Sejong made Jeongganbo" or "created" until revealing the clear evidence about the subject of Jeongganbo.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.66-81
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• 2014

Burnt down during the Imjin War(壬辰倭亂) of 1592, Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) remained in ruins until 1865, when in the second year of King Gojong's(高宗) reign, reconstruction work began. At the time, a royal protocol(uigwe, 儀軌) for the reconstruction was not produced. Instead, the Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary(Gyeongbokgung yeonggeon ilgi, 景福宮營建日記) records the reconstruction process from June to September of 1865. The contents of this diary reveal that the stone used in the construction was obtained from Ganghwa(江華), the Yeongpung field(映楓亭) just beyond Dongdaemun, and Samcheongdong(三淸洞), among other sites. In addition, selected stone remaining from the original Gyeongbokgung Palace site - such as that from the palace astronomical observatory(ganuidae, 簡儀臺) - as reused, while a number of buildings and stonework from Gyeonghuigung Palace(慶熙宮) were moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace. As a result, a number of $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century stonework are currently located at Gyeongbokgung Palace. The Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary contains a record indicating that the bronze dragon(靑銅龍) excavated from the lotus pond at the palace's Gyeonghoeru Pavilion(慶會樓) was created by special technician byeolganyeok(別看役) Kim Jae-su(金在洙) in 1865 for the symbolic purpose of protecting the palace from fire. The diary also reveals that among Kim Jae-su and the other special technicians(byeolganyeok) tasked with the installation and oversight of the palace stonework was Lee Se-ok(李世玉) - aid to have created the haechi statue at Gwanghwamun Gate. This indicates that there were men of court painter(hwawon, 畵員) background among the construction special technicians(byeolganyeok). Moreover, the diary records the names of the stoneworkers(seokjang, 石匠) who worked under these special technicians to actually carve the stonework. These included Jang Seong-bok(張聖福), who participated in the creation of the Geunjeongjeon Hall(勤政殿); and Kim Jin-myeong(金振明), who took part in the construction of Gwanghwamun Gate(光化門). Based on these results, it is possible to identify a number of special iconographic features of the scale-covered animal form(insuhyeong, 鱗獸形) auspicious animal statues at Gyeongbokgung Palace. These include a protruding mouth and large nose, formalized ears, and a mane along the back. Comparing these iconographic features with those found in the stonework of Joseon tombs makes it clear that these palace statues were created in the latter half of the $19^{th}$ century - the period corresponding to Gojong's palace reconstruction. This study was able to confirm that this iconography was taken up by the Gyeongbokgung Palace construction special technicians(byeolganyeok) and stoneworkers(seokjang) as they worked on tomb stonework earlier in their careers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.44-63
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• 2019

This study empirically investigated the construction and aspects of change in Chugyeongwon, which is located in Donggweol (東闕). In detail, this study investigated the location of the construction and range of Chugyeongwon, the background and intention of the construction, and the affiliated system and aspects of spatial changes of it. The research results can be summarized as follows: First, Chugyeongwon has been assumed to be the space near Haminjeong (涵仁亭) or between Simindang (時敏堂) and Jinsudang (進修堂) in Changgyeonggung Palace. However, according to related historical materials, it is said that Chugyeongwon was located west of Dochongbu (都摠府) in Hyeopsangmun (協祥門) and near Sungmundang (崇文堂). Through Donggweoldohyeong (東闕圖形), evidence of the construction of Chugyeongwon can be found, which verifies such claims. According to The Plan of Changgyeonggung Palace (昌慶宮配置圖), in the form of modern measured drawing, Chugyeongwon today is the green space created in the south of Munjeongjeon (文政殿) and Sungmundang in Changgyeonggung Palace. Second, According to Donggweoldo (東闕圖), Chugyeongwon was a green space where trees grew on the ground within the walls. No artificial facilities were constructed inside. In addition, Chugyeongwon was located at a site with an altitude higher than the surroundings. Especially, the composition forms and location characteristics of Chugyeongwon are similar to those of the Palace Outer Garden located in Hanyang. Thus, based on this evidence about the form and other aspects of the operation of the Palace Outer Garden, it can be inferred that Chugyeongwon was constructed for the preservation and cultivation of the geographical features inside Donggweol. Third, in the late Joseon period, Chugyeongwon was assigned to Changdeokgung Palace or Changgyeonggung Palace in the same manner as was Donggung (東宮). Thus, it is very likely that Chugyeongwon served as a garden for the Royal Family in the Donggung area. The west boundary of Chugyeongwon, which originally consisted of walls and a side gate, was changed into the form in which the walls and colonnades were combined. Chugyeongwon has been modified due to various acts of development since the Japanese colonial era, and in the end, it has disappeared so that no trace can be found.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2012

There remain many royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty in Gaeseong and Ganghwa. During the Goryeo Dynasty, these royal tombs were taken over tradition of tomb construction style from previous generation, and they completed their own inventive style. Furthermore they handed down those style to the Joseon Dynasty. The area of tomb was divided into 3 or 4 steps, and stone figures and T-shaped houses for sacrifice were arranged on each steps. It was the stone chamber of lateral opening style which had an entrance to southward, and it was formed as a rectangular box-shaped with a pile of stone walls and a flat ceiling. There was a coffin stand in the middle of floor, and traditional bricks were around them. The wall side and ceiling had been whitewashed and painted pictures. These are general characteristics for the tomb construction style of the Goryeo Dynasty. By the way, we can notice a number of features except those general things with inspection in detail. In early days, we confirmed 1step-parallel fulcrum ceiling, coffin stand of all in one stone, bier of burial artifact, and mural of plant material as a set, but they were changed as flat ceiling, Red-stone wall with rectangular stone, coffin stand set as stone pillar through the period of transitional form as of in the late 12th century. In case of several royal tombs, the fragments of king's epitaph which were confirmed from tombs could be defined owners clearly, and there were considerable timing difference between the large numbers of celadons which were excavated with the fragments of king's epitaph and recording chronologically of stone chamber structure. The reason for timing difference is that posterity artifacts were buried through repairing courses by occasion of destruction caused by robbing of the royal tombs. Meanwhile I inferred the existing hypothesis about owners of royal tombs and autonym ones in comparison the burial spot direction of hypothesis ones and outcomes of excavation. Therethrough, some hypothesis about owners of royal tombs such as Myung-neung which was assumed as tomb of the King Choongmok were not correct.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.160-173
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• 2012

Roofing tile research conducted in Korea so far is mostly related to studies on roofing tile patterns excavation report on the roof tile klin site in the aspects of archeology architecture and history of art. There have been continuous studies on kiln ground and manufacture techniques of roofing tiles. However it is difficult to find roofing tiles research based on scientific experiments. The research on this paper performs physical and chemical experimental study to understand order, manufacturing techniques and other characteristics of Chosun Dynasty roofing tiles excavated in Dongdaemun stadium. As for physical experimental study water absorption, specific gravity, whole-rock Magnetic susceptibility rate and Differential Thermal Analysis are conducted. As for chemical experimental study, neutron activation analysis(NAA), microstructure observation, X-ray diffractometry(XRD) analysis are conducted. Result of neutron activation analysis and statistical analysis on piece of roof tile 22 samples clearly show that the roofing tile samples are from different time line and places. It also shows different composition when compare average value of rare earth resources per findspots. It means roofing tiles were manufactured from clay mineral from several places. Close inspection using XRD and polarization microscope reveals that main components of roofing tiles are quartz and felspar. Mica and Illite are found partially. XRD analysis shows mullite mineral composition which occurs when roofing tile is calcined around $1000^{\circ}C$. Differential thermal analysis shows gradual exothermic peak near $900^{\circ}C$. Based on these results, it is assumed that roofing tile is made at $900{\sim}1000^{\circ}C$. result of XRD analysis shows mullite were made near $1000^{\circ}C$. in Differential Thermal Analysis shows gradual exothermic peak near $900^{\circ}C$. this results shows that roof tiles were made near 900~1000 near $1000^{\circ}C$ mean value of whole-rock Magnetic susceptibility rate. When performed comparative analysis using whole-rock Magnetic susceptibility rate average value, findspots provided no certain classification to arrange. Nonetheless low whole-rock Magnetic susceptibility rate 0.2~0.78(${\times}103$ SI unit) is found when roofing tile patterns are Pasangmun, Taesangmun, Eosangmun, Kyukjamun, Heongsunmun. Overall absorptivity is 14~21%. It is similar to 14~18% of roofing tile from Chosun Dynasty. There is only 1.4~2.5g/cm3 of roof tile sample specific gravity. The analysis finds no difference in specific gravity by findspots.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.148-173
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• 2012

The rear garden in Donggwol Palace which shared with the Changdeok Palace and the Changgyeong Palace is the salient places of technology and idea reflected the phases of the times of the Joseon Dynasty, so it is certainly one of the best Korean garden cultures. The rear garden in Donggwol which was not only the secret garden for the rest of royal family but also used as symbolic places for the various ceremonies and training its human resources has been considerably destroyed through the period of Japanese colonial rule. Thus the rear garden areas at north of Changkyung Palace were entirely transformed and a few territory from Juhabru(宙合樓) to Ongnyucheon(玉流川) keep up its surviving as the rear garden. The area of Jondeokjeong(尊德亭) which become subject on this studies from among these was constructed as flower garden after development of Ongnyucheon. The areas of Simchujeong(深秋亭), Cheoknoedang(滌惱堂), Pyemwoosa(?愚?), Mangchunjeong(望春亭), Chunhyagak(天香閣), Chungsimjeong(淸心亭) around Jondeokjeong, were situated among the beautiful scenery with the flowers and ponds. But there are only Jondeokjeong and Pyemwoosa at this moment, and the other pavilions was destroyed and transformed. For these reasons, in this studies, the formative purposes were investigated through analysing water elements, planting, ornaments and so on. According to these reasons, historical records and realities of garden construction of five pavilions : Simchujeong, Mangchunjeong, Cheoknoedang, Chunhyagak, Chungyeongak(淸燕閣) were considered to give authenticity to the restoration and reorganization as well as to accumulate basic knowledge about the conservation of environment surrounded garden architectures. These pavilions appeared at Gunggwolgi(宮闕志) and Joseonwangzosilok(朝鮮王朝實), but their names were not appeared at Donggwoldo(東闕圖). So they were ascertained through all of literatures on Donggwol Palace. Cheoknoedang and Simchujeong among these buildings could be found out as the existed buildings and the uncertain building at the northwest of Jondeokjeong was estimated as the name to Chunhyagak or Mangchunjeong. And the hypothesis that the wall surrounding Taichungmoon(太淸門) should be belong to Chungyeongak was supported. In addition, the area which did not known in connection with name and use on northeast at the Changdeok Palace, and had regarded as an impasses in the studies of Donggwoldo and the rear garden in Donggwol Palace, but the historical records of using by Yeonsangun(燕山君) and Sukjong(肅宗) were discovered at this study. And it could be uncovered that the obscure spatial space was a separate house only for king and he enjoyed play there unnoticing to others belong to palace.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.40
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• pp.207-241
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• 2007

This paper investigates the royal collection of paintings and calligraphy during King Gojong's (高宗) reign (1897~1907) based on the function of the Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂), situated at "sleeping realm (寢殿)," Gyeongbok Palace. Using the surviving palace records and art works this study argues that the date of building the hall is approximately confined to the year of 1890. Not being matched with the general opinion that the Jipgyeong-dang Hall was used for the official meeting with envoys, this hall functioned as the main place for royal audience and the storehouse for archives. The role of Gojong as collector and patron was essential not only to the maintenance of the collection but also to the strengthening of royal authority just before the Japanese annexation in 1910. The specific titles of the collection at this hall can be verified through the Catalogue of the Books, Paintings, and Calligraphy Exposed to the Sun at Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂曝曬書目) dating to the nineteenth century. The records of the catalogue inform us that more than 1,000 paintings and pieces of calligraphy, inkrubbings from old steles, manuals for painting, and encyclopedia concerning art theories from Korea, China, and Japan were preserved there. The collection of Jipgyeong-dang Hall resulted from Gojong's policy to foster the collection of contemporary Chinese and Japanese art works and various catalogues. Standing behind the Gyeongbok Palace, the Jibok-jae Hall (集玉齋) also preserved the diverse sources of practical learning, as did the Jipgyong-dang Hall for Gojong. The enormous royal collections by Gojong might have been constructed in accordance with the royal artistic taste and the artistic milieu of the late Joseon period. The surviving royal catalogues confirm this assumption as documentary evidence.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.40
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• pp.307-323
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• 2007

One of the distinguishing features of late Jeosun s Hanshi (poem in Chinese) is the numerous creation of Yeonjachyung Keesokshi (serial poem on folklore) which describes the folk manner and folk way of life in detail. Keesokshi s subject matter is the folklike in general including local features, geography, climate, local production, humanity, social conducts, and daily labor for living as well. By its material characteristics, Keesokshi reflects detailed life conditions of the society members in each levels, and represents the local customs as well as the folk emotions. Among the several kinds of Keesokshis, a Sesi Keesokshi focuses only in reciting the folk customs on each seasonal festival days, and the great numbers of such serial poems appear during the latter part of the Jeosun Dynasty. Its overall background is the transition of artistic trend which came after many social changes such as expansion of realism, uprising national consciousness, shaken status system, and the rising of 'Jeosun si motives in the Hansi history. Moreover, each writers various experiences and their interests in the reality and critical minds of common people contributed a crucial roll in creation of Sesi Keesokshi. 178 of the 584 remaining serial Sesi Keesokshi are written particularly about the folk customs in The Grand Full Moon Festival (the first full moon of a year by the lunar calendar). These Hanshis widely reflect the common ways of living by directly accepting the seasonal folk customs as the subject matters. Especially, close to the reality, these poems positively express the people's simple vigorous lives and create unrestrained lively image by describing the joys and sorrows of the folk ewistence along with their craving. Also, it is notable to have customs such as 'Shil-Ssa-Um' and 'No-gu-ban-kong-yang' as subjects for its rarity in other literatures.