• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.415-447
• /
• 2009

It is encouraging fact that people are more interested in collecting modern archaic art objects of Korea with broadening spectrum of research these days. For the research in this area is significant in that it makes us learn the level of collection and appreciation which were prevalent at the end of the Josen Age by trend of preferring Occidental pictures as well as modern change in the form of collection, and enables us to reconstruct the history of modern art objects in East Asia. Except Jeon, Hyung-Pil(全鎣弼: 1906-1962), the modern collectors of Korea were not studied in details with respect to the course or contents of collection. Besides Jeon, Hyung Pil, the main modern collectors of Korea were Park, Young-cheol(朴榮喆: 1879-1939), Kim, Yong-jin(金容鎭: 1882-1968), Ham, Seok-tae(咸錫泰: 1889-?), Kim, Sung-soo(金性洙: 1891-1955), Choi, Chang-hak(崔昌學: 1891-?), Jang, Taek-sang(張澤相: 1893-1969), Kim, Chan-young(金瓚泳: 1893-?), Lee, Han-bok(李漢福: 1897-1940), Park, Chang-hun(朴昌薰: 1898-1951), Baek, In-je(白麟濟: 1898-?), Lee, Byung-jik(李秉直: -1973), et al. The object of this publication in serial form is to trace and identify the life, collected articles and contents of collection of Korean collectors who intensively collected archaic art objects in the modern age of Korea, especially, under the rule of Japanese imperialism. The first person to be introduced in this publication in serial form is Jang, Taek Sang, a leading figure in the political history of Korea. Born as the son of wealthy man, he ascended to the position of prime minister, leading a dramatic life. Being a distinguished orator, Jang, Taek Sang was well known as an appreciator and collector of picture, calligraphy and pottery. As one of the collectors of main cultural property under the rule of Japanese imperialism, Jang, Taek Sang collected countless distinguished heritages, most of which were lost during the Korean War. As he became a candidate for president to compete with Lee, Seung Man later, he sold main heritages. Thus, nearly all of the collected articles were scattered.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.330-355
• /
• 2024

There are two main perspectives in Korea on Korean cultural heritage located overseas: one views it as items that need to be repatriated since they were scattered abroad under unfortunate historical circumstances. The other considers them as a means to more widely promote Korea's culture and long history. A shift in perspective has gradually been taking place in the decades since Korea's liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945. This can be noted through three major types of exhibitions. The first type is exhibitions of repatriated cultural heritage that showcase items that were illegally removed from the country but later returned or otherwise acquired through purchase or donation. The Special Exhibition of Returned Cultural Heritage, which was held in 1966 on the occasion of the normalization of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan, emphasized the legitimacy of reclaiming cultural properties that were illegally removed from Korea during the period of Japanese colonial rule. Around the 1990s, special exhibitions of private donations were held, which also highlighted the legitimacy of repatriation. The special exhibition of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe (Royal Protocols of the Joseon Dynasty from the Outer Royal Library) held in 2011 was seen as an opportunity to raise public interest in repatriation, heal the wounds of history, and restore the nation's cultural pride. The second type of exhibition involves borrowing and displaying overseas Korean cultural heritage in accordance with a theme as a means to reenergize and provide a comprehensive view of Korean culture. The exhibitions National Treasures from the Goryeo Dynasty in 1995 and National Treasures from the Early Joseon Dynasty in 1997 (both held at the Hoam Museum of Art) and the Masterpieces of Goryeo Buddhist Painting held at the National Museum of Korea in 2010 underscored the importance of overseas Korean cultural heritage for exploring Korean cultural history. The third type is special exhibitions on the history of the collection of Korean cultural heritage. With Korea's economic growth in the 1980s and the increase in exhibitions and the number of galleries featuring Korean cultural heritage in overseas museums in the 1990s, interest in the history of acquisition also grew. Exhibitions like The Korean Collection of the Peabody Essex Museum in 1994 and Korean Art from the United States in 2012 introduced overseas galleries focused on Korean art and the diverse history of collecting Korean cultural properties. They also examined the perception of Korean art in the United States. These efforts heightened public interest in establishing and supporting Korean galleries abroad. The initiation of more systematic surveys and research on Korean cultural heritage located abroad and the contribution of overseas Korean cultural heritage to the enhancement of the local understanding and promotion of Korean culture have resulted in changes to the perception of overseas Korean cultural heritage in Korea.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
• /
• v.51 no.2
• /
• pp.171-190
• /
• 2012

The Korean Society of Applied Entomology (KSAE) celebrates its First 50 years history this year, 2011. It began in the year 1962, as the Korean Society of Plant Protection (KSPP) to discuss all aspects of plant protection including entomology and plant pathology. At that time it was one of the earliest scientific ones among agricultural societies in Korea. Before liberation from the Japanese colonial rule there were a few scientific societies for Japanese scientists only in the Korean Peninsula. It seemed that there was a single exception, in medical field, formed by and operated for Korean ethnics. Right after the liberation, Korean scientists rushed to form new scientific societies in the fields of mechanical engineering, architecture, textile, internal medicine, biology, etc. in 1945, mathematics, chemistry, metallurgy, etc. in 1946, and so on. But agricultural scientists had to wait for more time before setting up their own scientific society, Korean Agricultural Society(韓國農學會), comprising all agricultural subfields, in 1954. They had annual meetings and published their own journal every year until 1962. Then those working in the plant protection field established their own KSPP, right after their section meeting in 1962. At that time the total number of participants for KSPP were only around 50. KSPP scientists were interested in plant pathology, agricultural chemicals, weed science, or bioclimate, besides entomology. They had annual meetings once or twice a year until 1987 and published their own journal, Korean Journal of Plant Protection (KJPP), once a year at the earlier years but soon gradually increasing the frequency to four times a year later. Articles on entomology and plant pathology occupied about 40% each, but the number of oral or posters were a little bit higher on plant pathology than entomology, with the rest on nematology, agricultural chemicals, or soil microarthropods. There also had a number of symposia and special lectures. The presidentship lasted for two years and most of president served only one term, except for the first two. The current president should be $28^{th}$. In the year 1988, KSPP had to be transformed into the applied entomology society, Korean Society of Applied Entomology (KSAE), because most of plant pathologists participating left the society to set up their own one, Korean Society of Plant Pathology in 1984. Since that time the Society concentrates on entomology, basic and applied, with some notes on nematology, acarology, soil microarthropods, agricultural chemicals, etc. The Society has been hosting annual meetings at least twice a year with special lectures and symposia, from time to time, on various topics. It also hosted international symposia including binational scientific meetings twice with two different Japanese (applied entomology in 2003 and acarology in 2009) societies and the Asia-Pacific Congress of Entomology in 2005. The regular society meeting of this year, 2011, turns out to be the 43rd and this autumn non-regular meeting would be the 42nd. It has been publishing two different scientific journals, Korean Journal of Applied Entomology (KJAE) since 1988 and the Journal of Asia-Pacific Entomology (JAPE) since 1998. Both journals are published 4 times a year, with articles written in Korean or English in the first, but those in English only in the latter with cooperation from the Taiwan Entomological Society and the Malaysian Plant Protection Society since 2008. It is now enlisted as one of those SCI(science citation index) extended. The highest number of topics discussed at their annual meetings was on ecology, behavior, and host resistance. But at the annual meetings jointly with the Korean Society of Entomology, members were more interested in basic aspects, instead of applied aspects, such as physiology and molecular biology fields. Among those societies related to entomology and plant protection, plant pathology, pesticide, and applied entomology societies are almost similar in membership, but entomology and plant pathology societies are publishing more number of articles than any others. The Society is running beautifully, but there are a few points to be made for further improvement. First, the articles or posters should be correctly categorized on the journals or proceedings. It may be a good idea to ask members to give their own version of correct category for their submissions, either oral or poster or written publication. The category should be classified detailed as much as possible (one kind of example would be systematics, morphology, evolution, ecology, behavior, host preference or resistance, physiology, anatomy, chemical ecology, molecular biology, pathology, chemical control, insecticides, insecticide resistance, biocontrol, biorational control, natural enemies, agricultural pest, forest pest, medical pest, etc.) and such scheme should be given to members beforehand. The members should give one or two, first and second, choices when submitting, if they want. Then the categories might be combined or grouped during editing for optimal arrangement for journals or proceedings. Secondly the journals should carry complete content of the particular year and author index at the last issue of that year. I would also like to have other information, such as awards and awardees in handy way. I could not find any document for listing awards. Such information or article categorization may be assigned to one of the vice presidents. I would rather strongly recommend that the society should give more time and energy on archive management to keep better and more correct history records.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.6 no.3
• /
• pp.1-36
• /
• 2000

Periodic markets of the later Choson dynasty had undergone fundamental changes during the late Chosun dynasty and Japanese colony period. This paper aims to analyse the spatial distributions and changes of the periodic markets in the middle stream of Han-River in this era in the use of the survey of documentary records and fieldwork. Before the early 1910s, long distance transportation was made by riverboats, short distance transportation was done by porters and pack animals. Because goods such as rice, soybean and salt were very heavy and needed long distance transport, they were mainly transported by riverboats. Accordingly, riverports on the shore of river played important roles in exporting and importing goods as nodes of long distance transportation. The opening of railroad Seoul-Busan, the construction of new roads(Sinjakno) of 1910s and the use of oxcarts produced striking changes in the spatial distribution and hierarchy structure of periodic markets. These changes also had influence on the outflow and inflow of goods in the middle stream of Han-River. In the parr of outflow of goods, it seems that the line linking Icheon city-Yongin city-Anseong city played a role in making the boundaries of the marketing areas between goods trams ported by the rail road Seoul-Busan and goods done by Han River river boats. Anseong, Osan and Suwon periodic markets located around railroad stations occupied the higher positions than those of other regions in the hierarchial structure of periodic markets. Their marketing areas could nearly overwhelm those of riverports located in the middle stream region of Han River and extend to the middle stream region of Han River as a result of decrease of transport cost through using of oxcarts and railroads. the opening of railroad Suwon-Yeoju(Suryoson) and railroad Cheonan-Janghawon(Cheonjangson) brought about changes of the structure of long distance trade again. In a part of outflow of goods, it seems that as a result of the new opening of their railroads periodic markets around railroads seized a large portion of the marketing area of the southern part of Yoju and Ichon area and therefore made extreme change in rivershipping of Han River. In the inflow part of goods, goods transported by riverboats from the downstream of Han River before the opening of railroad were imported directly from railroad stations. Accordingly, rivershipping and riverports declined. And because goods were imported by way of great periodic markets and supplied to small periodic markets and consumers before the opening of railroad, but supplied from railroad stations to small periodic markets and consumers after the opening of railroad. The volume of turnover of such great periodic markets as Anseong, Osan and Suwon periodic markets therefore declined. On the other hand, because Yangpyong area had not been yet included within the sphere of influence of railroad until 1930s, it heavily depended on rivershipping of Han River as before. But the opening of railroad Seoul-Wonju(jungangson) brought about decline of rivershipping in Yangpyong and Wonju area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.46 no.3
• /
• pp.94-113
• /
• 2013

Donggwanwangmyo[East Shrine of King Guan Yu] is the shrine for General Guan Yu from the Shu Dynasty, China. This type of shrine was begun to be built from the Tang Dynasty in China and from 1598 in Korea when the Japanese invaded Korea for the $2^{nd}$ time. Donggwanwangmyo is historically significant because it was jointly constructed by China and Korea in the spring of 1602 after the end of Japanese invasion of Korea. However, almost no research has been conducted about the sculptures standing at Donggwanwangmyo and there are many mistakes concerning the names and materials of these sculptures. This study is conducted to resolve these issues as follows: First of all, it was found that the main building of Donggwanwangmyo enshrines those which were moved from the North Shrine of Guan Yu and the West Shrine of Guan Yu during the Japanese colonial rule of Korea in addition to what was initially placed in Donggwanwangmyo during construction. These relics are assorted and each line of them is displayed in the center and to the east or west of the building. Among the relics, seven sculptures are standing at the center of the main building, among which one sculpture of Guan Yu is made of gold and two sculptures of maids and four sculptures of guards are made of clay. It is particularly noted that the sculptures of Guan Yu and his guards, Guan Ping, Zhou Cang, Wang Fu, and Zhao Lei, represent the portraits of historical characters that actually existed. Moreover, the sculptures of guards are characterized by the fact that they are unlike those in China, but have two pairs of literary men and warriors that stand facing each other as is the case in the royal mausoleums constructed during the Joseon Dynasty. Second of all, the sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo were carved in 1602, but their costumes and equipment were derived from the paintings from the Tang and Song Dynasties. Some decorations from the Ming Dynasty are also reflected in the sculptures. It implies that Donggwanwangmyo was partially modeled after the Shrine of Emperor Guan Yu[Gwanjemyo] in Jiezhou which was rebuilt in 1593 by Emperor Sinjong of the Ming Dynasty and that the secular and dramatic patterns of the Qing Dynasty are prevalent in the said sculptures based on the patterns of the Ming Dynasty because all the sculptures at the Shrine in Jiezhou were constructed when the Qing Dynasty ruled between the $18^{th}$ and the $19^{th}$ Centuries. In conclusion, it was found that sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo were created in 1602, that they follow the ancient traditions attested by the paintings of Korean and Chinese sculptures, and that they are very valuable in art history since they retain the original forms of the Shrine of Guan Yu built during the Joseon and Ming Dynasties.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.57 no.1
• /
• pp.110-123
• /
• 2024

Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's visiting at hot springs based on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』, <Younggoedaedo(靈槐臺圖)>, 『Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』 and cultural properties such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). Through a photo taken by Hermann Sander in 1906, it can be confirmed that the hot springs(Tangsil building) at Onyanghaenggung Palace during the Joseon Dynasty was maintained until the early Japanese colonial period. The purpose of this study is to estimate the compositions of the hot springs(Tangsil building) in Onyanghaenggung Palace based on literature records and <Oncheonhaenggungdo>(1795). To achieve these purposes, we firstly examined the changes in Onyanghaenggung Palace and the hot springs (Tangsil building); secondly, the bathing behaviors of kings were reviewed; thirdly, we organized the architectural composition of the hot springs (Tangsil building) according to "Ongung Repair" of 『Ongungsasil (溫宮事實)』; and fourthly, by comparing Sander's photo in the early days of Japanese colonial rule, the architectural composition of the hot springs (Tangsil building) in the late Joseon Dynasty was examined. The results of this study are as follows. First, the hot springs(Tangsil building) of Onyanghaenggung Palace were continuously connected to the Onjeongsil(溫井室) in the reign of King Hyeonjong and maintained until 『Hoseo-eupji』 (1871) in the late Joseon Dynasty. It matches the photograph taken by Hermann Sander(1906) and <1912 Onyang Hot Springs in Asan City>(1912) of Korea Copyright Commission during the early Japanese colonial period. Second, the various king's bathing methods during the Joseon Dynasty were adopted such as washing, spilling and bathing head while sitting on a bathing platform or chair, or exposing the steam of hot spring water, dipping feet into the water and a half-body soaking bath below the navel immersed in water. Third, the stone bathtubs of hot springs(Tangsil building) are composed of the upper bath which was hot spring water gushes out from the northwest, bends to the east, enters the middle bath, and bends to the south to come out to the outside to gather in the lower bath. Around the stone bathtubs, pebble stones brought in from Taean were laid on the floor of the hot springs(Tangsil building). From the above considerations, the compositions of the Tangsil building in Onyang Temporary Palace is based on the king's approach from the main royal building, the king's bathing method and bathing tools, the bathing behavior of enlisted medical officers and bathing assistants, and each rooms mentioned in "Ongung Repair". By comparing it with Hermann Sander's photo, the architectural compositions of the hot springs(Tangsil building) can be estimated.

• Journal of Legislation Research
• /
• no.53
• /
• pp.61-107
• /
• 2017

It has been seventy-two years since the Korean Peninsular was divided into South and North Korea. When Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule in August 1945, the South and North established a capitalist system and a socialist system (communism) respectively, intensifying the ideological conflict and confrontation. The division of Korea was not confined to political and economical aspects, but extended to legal system, making it difficult to find legislative homogeneity in the two. The long-term situation of the divided nation results in a social phenomenon accompanied by legal division. For instance, shortly after its liberation from Japan's colonial rule, North Korea responded quickly to secure legal stability to govern the northern part while the Soviet army troops were stationed in it. Based on Marx and Engels' historical materialism, the North drove a change in its ideological superstructure by repealing the privatization of land property which was the means of production and finally enforced land nationalization, in common with other socialist states including the former Soviet Union. The North's land reform made under the guise of fulfilling national independence and doing away with anti-seigneurial and anti-feudalistic relations, has led to a wide difference in the systems between the South and Korea. This paper focuses on the legal systems of South and North Korea and is aimed at exploring the legal characteristics and environment of the North which became secluded from the world while engaging in socialist experiments for the past seventy two years against capitalism. Ongoing studies of legal system integration will be briefly discussed. The legal status of South and North Korea as a political entity will be investigated to overcome legal system division; and the characteristics of South-North relationship in legal terms and the limitations of the North's legal system will be also examined. Moreover, the directions for integrating legal systems and the plan for resolving legal system division will be suggested.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
• /
• v.18 no.3
• /
• pp.371-382
• /
• 1998

The years from 1895 to 1915 marked an important period in Korean because it was the start of modern education during which a new school system was developed. In particular, the Government made laws and rules concerning the use of textbooks in schools. In this research information about books in use in schools was obtained from the {School Textbook List} which was drawn up during this period. Science textbooks printed in Korea from 1895 to 1915 were control1ed in their use by the Ministry of Education and the Government General of Chosen. They used the Private School Ordinance, Regulations for Official Examination of Textbooks in 1908, and Law of Publication in 1909 as the main means of controlling textbooks. The official examination of textbooks under the Japanese rule of Korea resulted in an increasing number of science textbooks being banned. While science textbooks had enjoyed more freedom from control by the Government General of Chosen than other textbooks, the situation changed significantly as Japan to intensify the control of all kinds of textbooks in Korea.

• Journal of Forest and Environmental Science
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.35-49
• /
• 2007

This study analyzed on the developmental process of forest policy direction in Korea and present status of forest desolation in North Korea of the pre and post division of the Korean peninsular with historical point of view and indicates future tasks to take. Forests in Korea were destroyed in the early of 1900s while Korean peninsular was under Japanese colonial rule. In 1945, Korea was divided into two parts, which developed its own forest policy under the different political system. South Korea was at Korean war in 1950 and accomplished the greening movement from 1970s to 1980s. After 1990s, the country has aimed to sustainable forest management. North Korea has focused on forestation until 1960. However, the result has been doubtful with North Korean economic depression, and these days North Korea faces forest desolation due to failures of forest management. Therefore, necessary is that recovery measures for forest desolation in North Korea, cooperation and interchange between North and South Korea and plans of forest management in case of unification.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
• /
• v.22 no.3
• /
• pp.141-163
• /
• 2012

In Korea, although nearly all maritime arbitration cases are dealt with by the Korean Commercial Arbitration Board (KCAB), the total number of cases that are referred to the KCAB is relatively small compared with the total number of maritime cases that occur in Korea. There may be reasons why maritime arbitration is not utilized more in Korea. However, of the above reasons, the superseding one may be that there is still a lack of confidence in the credibility and foreseeability of maritime arbitration in Korea. To expand the use of maritime arbitration in Korea, it is essential that the base surrounding maritime arbitration be expanded. In addition, it is also necessary that specialists receivetraining in maritime law. In this context, it is strongly recommended that maritime and admiralty law be taught in law schools and be included as a regular subject on the Korean bar exam. Additionally, to promote maritime arbitration, a rule should be introduced allowing for shortened arbitration proceedings in Korea. Although Chapter 8 of the KCAB Arbitration Rules provide for "Expedited Procedure," this process alone is not because the rules for Expedited Procedure generally apply in arbitration cases where both parties have agreed in a separate agreement to follow the procedures provided or in any domestic arbitration valued atless than 100,000,000 Korean won. Therefore, the KCAB Arbitration Rules for Expedited Procedure must be reformed to encompass international arbitrations. Additionally, experts who are experienced in the maritime sector should be elected as arbitrators. Given the factthat a fair number of arbitration cases can be characterized as international, it is important that businesspersons who are very fluent in English be appointed as arbitrators in order to increase the reliability of maritime arbitration in Korea and save costs. Meanwhile, because lawyers and scholars constitute a considerable portion of KCAB arbitrators, commercial persons from relevant industries should be enlisted as arbitrators. Even though there are arguments for the establishment of an independent maritime arbitration board in Korea, establishment of a separate maritime arbitration board will not directly guarantee the prosperity of maritime arbitration in Korea. Instead of instituting a new maritime arbitration board, it is better that a reorganized KCAB modify existing arbitration proceedings to make them faster and more economical if maritime arbitration is to prosper. In this regard, ad-hoc arbitration would be an option for speedy and thrifty maritime arbitration. Finally, to gain the confidence of domestic and foreign parties, we cannot ignore the importance of advertising the specialties and qualifications of the KCAB and its personnel among business entities.