• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.265-281
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• 2013

The early history of foreign Protestant missionaries in Korea has begun in the late 19th century, when they came to work as professionals such as teachers, medical doctors, etc. as the nation opened its door to western culture with the fall of national isolationism. Their records are considered crucial resources that enable us to shed new light on modern Korean history, politics, economy and society beyond mere religious value. Despite the recognition of such historic value of early missionary resources, however, there has been serious lacking of a systematic attempt to develop policies and plans for making it easy to collect, preserve and access the resources. Up to date, the records of early Protestant missionaries, in diverse forms of mission reports, books, periodicals, personal diaries, letters and photos, are scattered around various places, including their home country churches, governments, libraries, museums, research institutes and homes. Therefore, this research aims at providing basic resources on the archival status of early Protestant missionaries in Korea, needed for developing a sustainable and systematic digital archive system, through the investigation of early foreign missionaries' resources and in-depth interviews of experts. The study covers the period of 1800s to 1910, that is from the beginning of Protestant missionaries entering into Korea until the start of the Japanese annexation in 1910.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1996

Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.110-123
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• 2024

Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's visiting at hot springs based on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』, <Younggoedaedo(靈槐臺圖)>, 『Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』 and cultural properties such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). Through a photo taken by Hermann Sander in 1906, it can be confirmed that the hot springs(Tangsil building) at Onyanghaenggung Palace during the Joseon Dynasty was maintained until the early Japanese colonial period. The purpose of this study is to estimate the compositions of the hot springs(Tangsil building) in Onyanghaenggung Palace based on literature records and <Oncheonhaenggungdo>(1795). To achieve these purposes, we firstly examined the changes in Onyanghaenggung Palace and the hot springs (Tangsil building); secondly, the bathing behaviors of kings were reviewed; thirdly, we organized the architectural composition of the hot springs (Tangsil building) according to "Ongung Repair" of 『Ongungsasil (溫宮事實)』; and fourthly, by comparing Sander's photo in the early days of Japanese colonial rule, the architectural composition of the hot springs (Tangsil building) in the late Joseon Dynasty was examined. The results of this study are as follows. First, the hot springs(Tangsil building) of Onyanghaenggung Palace were continuously connected to the Onjeongsil(溫井室) in the reign of King Hyeonjong and maintained until 『Hoseo-eupji』 (1871) in the late Joseon Dynasty. It matches the photograph taken by Hermann Sander(1906) and <1912 Onyang Hot Springs in Asan City>(1912) of Korea Copyright Commission during the early Japanese colonial period. Second, the various king's bathing methods during the Joseon Dynasty were adopted such as washing, spilling and bathing head while sitting on a bathing platform or chair, or exposing the steam of hot spring water, dipping feet into the water and a half-body soaking bath below the navel immersed in water. Third, the stone bathtubs of hot springs(Tangsil building) are composed of the upper bath which was hot spring water gushes out from the northwest, bends to the east, enters the middle bath, and bends to the south to come out to the outside to gather in the lower bath. Around the stone bathtubs, pebble stones brought in from Taean were laid on the floor of the hot springs(Tangsil building). From the above considerations, the compositions of the Tangsil building in Onyang Temporary Palace is based on the king's approach from the main royal building, the king's bathing method and bathing tools, the bathing behavior of enlisted medical officers and bathing assistants, and each rooms mentioned in "Ongung Repair". By comparing it with Hermann Sander's photo, the architectural compositions of the hot springs(Tangsil building) can be estimated.

• Journal of Korean Neurosurgical Society
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• v.60 no.5
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• pp.577-583
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• 2017

Objective : Laminoplasty is an effective surgical method for treating cervical degenerative disease. However, postoperative complications such as kyphosis, restriction of neck motion, and instability are often reported. Despite sufficient preoperative lordosis, this procedure often aggravates the lordotic curve of the cervical spine and straightens cervical alignment. Hence, it is important to examine preoperative risk factors associated with postoperative kyphotic alignment changes. Our study aimed to investigate preoperative radiologic parameters associated with kyphotic deformity post laminoplasty. Methods : We retrospectively reviewed the medical records of 49 patients who underwent open door laminoplasty for cervical spondylotic myelopathy (CSM) or ossification of the posterior longitudinal ligament (OPLL) at Pusan National University Yangsan Hospital between January 2011 and December 2015. Inclusion criteria were as follows : 1) preoperative diagnosis of OPLL or CSM, 2) no previous history of cervical spinal surgery, cervical trauma, tumor, or infection, 3) minimum of one-year follow-up post laminoplasty with proper radiologic examinations performed in outpatient clinics, and 4) cases showing C7 and T1 vertebral body in the preoperative cervical sagittal plane. The radiologic parameters examined included C2-C7 Cobb angles, T1 slope, C2-C7 sagittal vertical axis (SVA), range of motion (ROM) from C2-C7, segmental instability, and T2 signal change observed on magnetic resonance imaging (MRI). Clinical factors examined included preoperative modified Japanese Orthopedic Association scores, disease classification, duration of symptoms, and the range of operation levels. Results : Mean preoperative sagittal alignment was $13.01^{\circ}$ lordotic; $6.94^{\circ}$ lordotic postoperatively. Percentage of postoperative kyphosis was 80%. Patients were subdivided into two groups according to postoperative Cobb angle change; a control group (n=22) and kyphotic group (n=27). The kyphotic group consisted of patients with more than $5^{\circ}$ kyphotic angle change postoperatively. There were no differences in age, sex, C2-C7 Cobb angle, T1 slope, C2-C7 SVA, ROM from C2-C7, segmental instability, or T2 signal change. Multiple regression analysis revealed T1 slope had a strong relationship with postoperative cervical kyphosis. Likewise, correlation analysis revealed there was a statistical significance between T1 slope and postoperative Cobb angle change (p=0.035), and that there was a statistically significant relationship between T1 slope and C2-C7 SVA (p=0.001). Patients with higher preoperative T1 slope demonstrated loss of lordotic curvature postoperatively. Conclusion : Laminoplasty has a high probability of aggravating sagittal balance of the cervical spine. T1 slope is a good predictor of postoperative kyphotic changes of the cervical spine. Similarly, T1 slope is strongly correlated with C2-C7 SVA.