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A Study on the Relationship among Skin Care Situations, Skin Care Recognition, and Skin Care Satisfaction by Gender in Medical Skin Care Center Patients: - Focused on Females and Males in Hainan Province, China-

  • Jia, Yue;Kim, Kyeong-Ran
    • Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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    • v.26 no.6
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    • pp.173-181
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    • 2021
  • Chinese people have increasingly high interests in skin care and trust and prefer medical institution products and equipment to treat skin problems. The purpose of this study is to examine skin types and skin care situations, skin care recognition, and skin care satisfaction by gender in medical skin care center patients from in their 10s to 50s in Hainan Province, China. The questionnaire survey consisted of general characteristics(n=8), skin care situations(n=6), skin care recognition(n=11), and skin care satisfaction(n=21). A total of 328 questionnaires were researched from December 21, 2020 to January 9, 2021 using WeChat and Wenjuanxing program. Data were analyzed by SPSSWIN 21.0. Frequency analysis was applied for general characteristics, skin care situations, skin care recognition, and skin care satisfaction and Cronbach's α was used for the reliability of skin care recognition and satisfaction. The relationship among skin care situations, skin care recognition, and skin care satisfaction was analyzed by χ2 test and t-test. As a result, the common skin types by gender was dry skin in females and oily skin in males. The highest skin trouble was melasma and pigments in females and pimple in males. The most common way to manage troubled skin was homecare in both females and males, followed by the dermatology department in females and pharmacy in males, suggesting a significant difference. The common period of skin trouble was from one year to three years and the most effective way to improve skin was good life habit, followed by laser treatment in both females and males. The most important consideration to choose a hospital was a famous franchise hospital and the most important matters in management was doctor or skin care professionalism. Skin care and treatment recognition was high in external effects for females and internal effects for males. Skin care satisfaction was high in service for females and effect for males. Skin care satisfaction was significantly higher in males than in females. In conclusion, there was a difference in skin types, skin troubles, skin problems, skin care ways, and skin care satisfaction by gender in Chinese medical skin care center patients. Therefore, this study suggests the development of various products and the need of systematic management programs.

Early Effect of Environment-friendly Harvesting on the Dynamics of Organic Matter in a Japanese Larch (Larix leptolepis) Forest in Central Korea (중부지역 일본잎갈나무림의 친환경벌채가 산림 내 유기물 변화에 미치는 초기 영향)

  • Wang, Rui Jia;Kim, Dong Yeob
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.111 no.4
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    • pp.473-481
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    • 2022
  • Environment-friendly harvesting is practiced to maintain ecosystem, landscape, and forest protection functions. The present study was conducted at Simgok-ri, Sinbuk-myeon, Pocheon, Gyeonngi-do, where a 41-50-year-old Japanese larch forest was harvested in an environment-friendly manner from 2017 to 2019. The dynamics of organic matter in this forest were investigated at three years after the harvest. Specifically, organic matter content was measured on the forest floor and in overstory biomass, litterfall, and soil up to 30 cm in depth from June 2020 to January 2021. Owing to the harvest, the amount of overstory biomass of the Japanese larch stands decreased from 142.22 to 44.20 t ha-1. On the forest floor, the amount of organic matter was 32.87 t ha-1 in the control plots and 23.34 t ha-1 in the harvest plots. Annual litterfall was 4.43 t ha-1 yr-1 in the control plots and 1.16 t ha-1 yr-1 in the harvest plots. Soil bulk density in the B horizon was 0.97 g cm-3 in the control plots and 1.06 g cm-3 i n the harvest plots. Soil organic matter content was 11.5% in the control plots and 12.8% in the harvest plots. The total amount of soil organic matter did not differ significantly between the control plots (245.21 t ha-1) and harvest plots (263.92 t ha-1), although the amount of soil organic matter tended to be higher in the harvest plots. The total amount of organic matter in the forest was estimated to be 406.48 t ha-1 in the control plots and 338.21 t ha-1 in the harvest plots. In the harvest plots, the ratio of aboveground organic matter decreased to 13.1% and soil organic matter increased to 78.0%, indicating that the distribution of organic matter changed significantly in these plots. Overall, the carbon accumulated in aboveground biomass was substantially reduced by environment-friendly harvesting, whereas the soil carbon level increased, which played a role in mitigating the reduction of system carbon in the forest. These results highlight one possible resolution for forest management in terms of coping with climate change. However, given that only three years of environment-friendly harvesting data were analyzed, further research on the dynamics of organic matter and tree growth is needed.

Analysis of an ancient textiles from the Xianbei period tombs of the Shiveet Khairkhan site, Mongolia (몽골 시베트 하이르한 유적 선비 시기(1~3세기) 고분 출토 직물의 섬유와 염료 분석)

  • YUN Eunyoung;YU Jia;PARK Serin;AN Boyeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.166-177
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    • 2022
  • The Shiveet Khairkhan is located on Tsengel Som in the middle of Bayan-ulgi Aimag in the Altai region. Various remains have been identified, and it has been found to be an important area of the Eurasian steppe. In this study, the characteristics of textile fibers and dyes excavated from the tombs of the 1st~3rd century Xianbei period in the sites of Shiveet Khairkhan, Mongolia were investigated. As a result of analysis using optical microscopic observation and attenuated total reflectance-Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (ATR-FTIR) for fiber identification, green and yellow fabrics were identified as silk fabrics. To investigate the properties of the dye, the surface reflectance of the dyed fabric was measured using an fiber optic reflectance spectrophotometer for non-destructive analysis. The green fabric appeared similar to the reflection spectrum of indigo dye. In addition, as a result of component analysis using gas chromatography-mass spectrometry, isatin and indigotine were detected. Isatin and indigotine are characteristic components of indigo dye, and it was found that the green fabric of the tombs of the Xianbei period was dyed using indigo dye. It was difficult to identify the type of dye in the yellow fabric as a result of reflectance spectrum and gas chromatography analysis. Indigo plants are a dye used for blue dyeing from thousands of years ago, and many species are distributed around the world. It was confirmed that the fabric was relatively well preserved and indigo dye was used for the green Jikryeongui (garment with a straight collar) in the ancient tomb of the Xianbei period about 1,800 years ago, even though it was buried for a long time. Scientific investigation of textile cultural heritage is an essential process for conservation treatment, restoration, exhibition, and the creation of a conservation environment. It is expected that related research will be activated in the future and will be helpful in interpreting the living culture at the time, preserving textiles, and a conservation environment.

Scientific Study on Clepsydra of Changgyeonggung Palace, National Treasure for Diagnosis on State of Conservation (국보 창경궁 자격루 누기의 보존상태 진단을 위한 과학적 조사)

  • YOU Harim;LEE Jaesung;YU Jia;JO Hanui;PARK Younghwan;RYU Dongwan
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.3
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    • pp.138-156
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    • 2023
  • Some of the metal cultural heritage that make up a considerable proportion of Korea's cultural heritage have been installed and displayed outdoors due to their own functions, roles, and scale. Therefore, more diverse and complex damages can occur outdoors than they are in a stable environment. Therefore, it is necessary to combine accurate diagnosis and systematic survey methods in order to utilize basic data obtained from research results as data for the long-term and continuous conservation management as well as to do the research to diagnose the conservation status of outdoor cultural heritage. The clepsydra(hereinafter referred to as Jagyeongnu) of Changgyeonggung Palace, the National Treasure has been installed and displayed outdoors since it was manufactured. Though regular conservation and maintenance of the Jagyeongnu have been carried out, damage still occurred. Therefore, the scientific research on Jagyeongnu to diagnose the state of conservation was conducted prior to the full-scale conservation treatment. First, the state of conservation was investigated with an examination of basic data, macroscopic inspections and past records of repair history according to the purpose of the research. More detailed examinations were also conducted through the 3D scan, surface pattern investigation, and color difference analysis, and the analysis on materials and contaminants were conducted through P-XRF, FT-IR, and Py-GC/MS. The scientific research reveals that squalane and silicone oil have been applied in the past for conservation treatment and directly exposed to outdoor environmental factors, which caused damage to Jagyeongnu and contaminants such as dust adhered thickly to its surface, accelerating severe damage. A greater incidence of damage was found around the part with relatively high exposure effect, which corresponded with the tendency identified by grouping color difference data. As a result of integrating various research methodologies to diagnose the state of conservation and secure basic data, the causes and types of damage were identified. Furthermore, the process of obtaining digital data to be utilized in various ways, and the color difference analysis presenting visible damage as scientific data and identifying the tendency of damage patterns were confirmed to have been effective.

A Study on the analysis method and composition characteristics of organic materials in the pottery excavated at the palace site in Yongjangseong Fortress, Jindo (진도 용장성 왕궁지 출토 도기호 내부 유기물의 분석법과 성분 특성 연구)

  • YUN Eunyoung;YU Jia;KIM Kyuho
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.3
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    • pp.158-171
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    • 2023
  • Pottery filled with organic materials was excavated from the G-2 building site of Yongjangseong Fortress, Jingo, a relic of the Goryeo Dynasty. In this study, the characteristics of organic material were confirmed by a scientific analysis of organic material in pottery found at the palace in Yongjangseong, Jindo. In addition, it was intended to review the analysis method to identify the natural resin and to secure characteristic components(biomarkers) for each natural resin and use them as basic data in the future. The organic materials in the pottery were analyzed using attenuated total reflectance Fourier-transformed infrared spectroscopy(ATR-FTIR) and gas chromatography mass spectrometry(GC-MS). The infrared spectral characteristics were estimated to be natural resin, and biomarkers of organic materials were identified as sesquiterpene-based compounds(C15H24, MW 204) and derivatives. The lacquer(T.vemicifluum) is composed mainly of alkenes, alkanes, and catechol. Pine resin(P.densiflora), on the other hand, is primarily composed of diterpenoid(abietic acid, pimaric acid) and Whangchil(yellow lacquer) is identified to have sesquiterpenes(such as selinene, muurolene, calamenene) as its main components. So, the organic material in the pottery can be identified as Whangchil by comparing their compounds with modern resin materials from Dendropanax. morbifera that correspond with the results. Whangchil, which is exuded from the Dendropanax. morbifera, has been used as a natural coating materials since ancient times, and it has been confirmed that the characteristic components are well preserved even 700 years later. It can be assumed that the interior Whangchil was stored not for use as a coating, but rather for ritual purposes when the building was constructed, because the pottery was found near the cornerstone. Furthermore, based on simplified sample preparation using pyrolysis-gas chromatography mass spectrometry(Py-GC-MS), the thermal decomposition products were found to be similar to the characteristic components, suggesting that this method can be applied to the identification of natural resins used in historic artifacts.

A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.10
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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The Mediating Effect of Experiential Value on Customers' Perceived Value of Digital Content: China's Anti-virus Program Market (경험개치대소비자대전자내용적인지개치적중개영향(经验价值对消费者对电子内容的认知价值的中介影响): 중국살독연건시장(中国杀毒软件市场))

  • Jia, Weiwei;Kim, Sae-Bum
    • Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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    • v.20 no.2
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    • pp.219-230
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    • 2010
  • Digital content makes big changes to our daily lives while bringing opportunities and challenges for companies. Creative firms integrate pictures, texts, videos, audios, and data by digitalization to develop new products or services and create digital experiences to promote their brands. Most articles on digital content contribute to the basic concept or development of marketing it in literature. Actually, compared with traditional value chains for common products or services, the digital content industry seems to have more potential value. Because quite a bit of digital content is free to the consumer, price is not necessarily perceived as an indicator of the quality or value of information (Rowley 2008). It becomes evident that a current theme in digital content is the issue of "value," and research on customers' perceived value of digital content is a necessity. This article argues that experiential value has an advantage in customers' evaluations of digital content. Two different but related contributions to the understanding of "value" of digital content are made here. First, based on the comparison of digital content with products and services, the article proposes two key characteristics that make experiential strategy available for digital content: intangibility and near-zero reproduction cost. On top of that, based on the discussion of the gap between company's idealized value and customer's perceived value, this article emphasizes that digital content prices and pricing of digital content is different from products and services. As a result of intangibility, prices may not reflect customer value. Moreover, the cost of digital content in the development stage may be very high while reproduction costs shrink dramatically. Moreover, because of the value gap mentioned before, the pricing polices vary for different digital contents. For example, flat price policy is generally used for movies and music (Magiera 2001; Netherby 2002), while for continuous demand, digital content such as online games and anti-virus programs involves a more complicated matter of utility and competitive price levels. Digital content companies have to explore various kinds of strategies to overcome this gap. Rethinking marketing solutions such as advertisements, images, and word-of-mouth and their effect on customers' perceived value becomes essential. China's digital content industry is becoming more and more globalized and drawing special attention from different countries and regions that have respective competitive advantages. The 2008-2009 Annual Report on the Development of China's Digital Content Industry (CCIDConsulting 2009) indicates that, with the driven power of domestic demand and governmental policy support, the country's digital content industry maintained a fast growth of some 30 percent in 2008, obviously indicating the initial stage of industry expansion. In China, anti-virus programs and other software programs which need to be updated use a quarter-based pricing policy. Customers can download a trial version for free and use it for six months or a year. If they want to use it longer, continuous payment is needed. They examine the excellence of the digital content during this trial period and decide whether to pay for continued usage. For China’s music and movie industries, as a result of initial development, experiential strategy has not been much applied, even though firms in other countries find the trial experience and explore important strategies(such as customers listening to music for several seconds for free before downloading it). For the above reasons, anti-virus program may be a representative for digital content industry in China and an exploratory study of the advantage of experiential value in customer's perceived value of digital content is done in the anti-virus market of China. In order to enhance the reliability of the survey data, this study focused on people who were experienced users of anti-virus programs. The empirical results revealed that experiential value has a positive effect on customers' perceived value of digital content. In other words, because digital content is intangible and the reproduction costs are nearly zero, customers' evaluations are based heavily on their experience. Moreover, image and word-of-mouth do not have a positive effect on perceived value, only on experiential value. That is to say, a digital content value chain is different from that of a general product or service. Experiential value has a notable advantage and mediates the effect of image and word-of-mouth on perceived value. The results of this study help provide an understanding of why free digital content downloads exist in developing countries. Customers can perceive the value of digital content only by using and experiencing it. This is also why such governments support the development of digital content. Other developing countries whose digital content business is also in the beginning stage can make use of the suggestions here. Moreover, based on the advantage of experiential strategy, companies should make more of an effort to invest in customers' experience. As a result of the characteristics and value gap of digital content, customers perceive more value in the intangible digital content only by experiencing what they really want. Moreover, because of the near-zero reproduction costs, companies can perhaps use experiential strategy to enhance customer understanding of digital content.

The Evaluation of SUV Variations According to the Errors of Entering Parameters in the PET-CT Examinations (PET/CT 검사에서 매개변수 입력오류에 따른 표준섭취계수 평가)

  • Kim, Jia;Hong, Gun Chul;Lee, Hyeok;Choi, Seong Wook
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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    • v.18 no.1
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    • pp.43-48
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    • 2014
  • Purpose: In the PET/CT images, The SUV (standardized uptake value) enables the quantitative assessment according to the biological changes of organs as the index of distinction whether lesion is malignant or not. Therefore, It is too important to enter parameters correctly that affect to the SUV. The purpose of this study is to evaluate an allowable error range of SUV as measuring the difference of results according to input errors of Activity, Weight, uptake Time among the parameters. Materials and Methods: Three inserts, Hot, Teflon and Air, were situated in the 1994 NEMA Phantom. Phantom was filled with 27.3 MBq/mL of 18F-FDG. The ratio of hotspot area activity to background area activity was regulated as 4:1. After scanning, Image was re-reconstructed after incurring input errors in Activity, Weight, uptake Time parameters as ${\pm}5%$, 10%, 15%, 30%, 50% from original data. ROIs (region of interests) were set one in the each insert areas and four in the background areas. $SUV_{mean}$ and percentage differences were calculated and compared in each areas. Results: $SUV_{mean}$ of Hot. Teflon, Air and BKG (Background) areas of original images were 4.5, 0.02. 0.1 and 1.0. The min and max value of $SUV_{mean}$ according to change of Activity error were 3.0 and 9.0 in Hot, 0.01 and 0.04 in Teflon, 0.1 and 0.3 in Air, 0.6 and 2.0 in BKG areas. And percentage differences were equally from -33% to 100%. In case of Weight error showed $SUV_{mean}$ as 2.2 and 6.7 in Hot, 0.01 and 0.03 in Tefron, 0.09 and 0.28 in Air, 0.5 and 1.5 in BKG areas. And percentage differences were equally from -50% to 50% except Teflon area's percentage deference that was from -50% to 52%. In case of uptake Time error showed $SUV_{mean}$ as 3.8 and 5.3 in Hot, 0.01 and 0.02 in Teflon, 0.1 and 0.2 in Air, 0.8 and 1.2 in BKG areas. And percentage differences were equally from 17% to -14% in Hot and BKG areas. Teflon area's percentage difference was from -50% to 52% and Air area's one was from -12% to 20%. Conclusion: As shown in the results, It was applied within ${\pm}5%$ of Activity and Weight errors if the allowable error range was configured within 5%. So, The calibration of dose calibrator and weighing machine has to conduct within ${\pm}5%$ error range because they can affect to Activity and Weight rates. In case of Time error, it showed separate error ranges according to the type of inserts. It showed within 5% error when Hot and BKG areas error were within ${\pm}15%$. So we have to consider each time errors if we use more than two clocks included scanner's one during the examinations.

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