• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• 제82권3호
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• pp.217-226
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• 2019

Background: Depression is a recognized complication of lung cancer underreported in developing countries such as Malaysia. Treating and identifying depression in cancer patients increases survival and quality of life. Our objectives are to study prevalence of depressive symptoms in newly diagnosed lung carcinoma, and examine the relationship of depressive symptoms with other influencing risk factors. Methods: A 2-year, cross sectional study February 2015-February 2017, was conducted at Hospital Tengku Ampuan Afzan, and Penang General Hospital. One hundred and three patients with newly diagnosed, biopsy confirmed primary lung carcinoma were recruited. Self-rated patient's identification sheet, validated Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression (CES-D), and Dukes University Religion Index score from three different main languages were used. Results: Prevalence of current depressive symptoms (CES-D total score ${\geq}16$) is 37.9%. The result suggests prevalence of those at high risk of moderate to major depression, may need treatment. Multivariate analysis reveals those with good Eastern Cooperation Oncology Group factor (${\eta}2=0.24$, p<0.001) married (${\eta}2=0.14$, p<0.001) with intrinsic religiosity (IR) (${\eta}2=0.07$, p<0.02) are more resistant to depression. Conclusion: One in three of lung carcinoma patients, are at increased risk for depression. Clinicians should be aware that risk is highest in those with poor performance status, single, and with poor IR. We suggest routine screening of depression symptoms as it is feasible, to be performed during a regular clinic visit with immediate referral to psychiatrist when indicated.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.