• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.22-40
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• 2016

Political activities through social networking service (SNS) are common in the political communication environment. The main aim of this study is to present logical and empirical evidence on the effects of politicians' SNS activities. To achieve this goal, this research analyzed the relationship between the SNS activities of politicians and the political efficacy and political participation of citizens through a survey of 644 people. The results of the survey analysis showed that politicians' SNS activities have a positive effect on both the internal and external efficacies of citizens and that these efficacies positively influence political participation. This finding means that the SNS activities of politicians promote political participation by increasing the political efficacy of citizens and states. The results also suggest that SNS, with its characteristics of communication and interaction, plays a crucial role as a political communication medium. Therefore, with SNS, a variety of information sources on politics can be offered, suggestions from citizens can be embraced, and such suggestions can be revealed to politicians as a means of promoting political efficacy and participation.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.81-100
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• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to define and clarify the concept of political competence for nurses. Methods: A hybrid model method was used to investigate the dimensions, attributes, and definitions of the concept. In the theoretical stage of the study, literature on nursing, politics, and other discipline were reviewed. In the fieldwork stage, individual in-depth interviews and focus groups interviews were conducted with politically seasoned experts or activists who had an understanding of the concept of political competence for extensive descriptions in nursing and field of health care. Results: The concept of political competence was represented in four dimensions as political knowledge, political efficacy, political interaction, and political activity. In the political knowledge dimension, there were three attributes, namely, political knowledge, political information and systematic analysis ability. The political efficacy dimension had three attributes of internal political efficacy, external political efficacy, and self-pride of nursing profession. The political interaction dimension had three attributes of organizations and community service, networking, and persuasive power. The political activity dimension had six attributes of political leadership, political expression, assertive behavior, political advocacy, political participation, and policy intervention. Conclusion: This concept development might provide a basic understanding of developing a measurement tool and for constructing a theory promoting nurses' political competence.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.44-58
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• 2017

Scholars have long debated the factors that drive political participation and have recently applied theories, developed from analyses of citizens from Europe and the United States, to respondents in the democratizing countries of Asia. In both Hong Kong and Singapore, however, citizens attend rallies and contact officials - yet do so under authoritarian governance. Are the causes of political participation in these cities similar to what is observed in other groups of respondents across Asia? Or, do institutions influence whether individuals participate? In this paper, I evaluate the development of liberal norms of engagement in both cities as a function of traditional models of participation. As citizens in these cities possess some of the highest standards of living in the region, they should also face frustrations with the limited democratic accountability of their leaders. Ultimately, individuals in each city have developed support for democracy but, given the differing goals of each regime, the nature of democratic engagement differs considerably. In Singapore, citizens are mobilized to engage and participate but support the status quo. By contrast, engaged Hong Kong residents participate out of a frustration with the government, a function of their high levels of internal efficacy and institutional detachment.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.836-846
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• 2000

This Meta-Analysis of 18 studies was conducted to determine the magnitude of th relationship between health promotion behavior and each of explanatory variables. The studies were measured using Health Promoting Life Style(HPLP) developed by Walker and others based on Pender's definiton of health promoting behavior. The sample was collected by searching for The Journal of Korean Academy Nursing Society, The Journal of Korean Women's Health Nursing Academic Society,The Journal of Korean Academic Society of Adult Nursing, Journal of Korean Community Nursing, The Journal of Fundamentals of Nursing, The Journal of Korean Nursing Administration Academic Society, The Korean Journal of Child Health Nursing, The Journal of Korean Psychiatric Academic Society, the dissertations for mater degree or doctoral dissertations for the period from 1980 to 1998. The explanatory variables measured more than 2 times in studies were self-efficacy, perceived health status, self-esteem, internal, powerful-others and chance dimensions of health locus of control, perceived benefits, hardiness, wellbeing and clinical demensions of health concepts, and quality of life(life satisfaction). Effect sizes were calculated by unweighted mean r, weighted mean r by sample size and weighted mean r by quality index score after homogeneity test. The mean r effect size indicator range of each predictor variable were as follows; quality of life (0.50- 0.52), self-efficacy (0.46-0.47), hardiness (0.42-0.44), self-esteem(0.41-0.43), health locus of control- internal(0.32-0.34), health locus of control- powerful others (0.25-0.31), perceived health status(0.18-0.19) and clinical dimensions of health concepts (0.16-0.17).

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.1-11
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• 2009

The eminent brother doctors Cho-Gaek Hur (Young Hur) and Cho-Sam Hur (Eon Hur) represent the medical tradition of the southeastern region of Mt. Jirisan incluiding Sancheong. This study investigated and examined their herediatary testimonies and medico-historical facts described in the literature tale, genealogy and family collection of works. At an early age after their family run away to the southern region from the harm of political struggle, they gave up taking the highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials and set their heart on learning medicine. Their choice of medicine was the second best plan for the survival of their family and descendents from the influence of their ancestors who suffered from the party strife during the late Joseon Dynasty. The case is a good example of the deliberate action of the nobility intellectuals since the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasties to who made attempts to have the minimum elegance and cause while securing livelihood after they have been collapsed politically. The tale of Cho-Gaek and Cho-Sam is a typical story of eminent doctors which combined reality and fiction about the persons who had outstanding medical skills. In the tale, the elder brother was good at herbal prescriptions and the younger brother was good at acupuncture, contrasting the treatment of administrative internal medicine and insertive acupuncture treatment. It shows that the prepositions for the choice of the treatment method for the public during that period were safety and fast efficacy. In their old age, they wrote a book titled Jinyangsinbang. Another Jinwoosinbang is estimated as a different kind of copy, which was a medical writing from experience that derived from the same original book as Jinyangsinbang. written by Cho-Gaek Hur and it is a valuable medical material that possesses the distinct features of the local medicine during the late Joseon Dynasty. Most of the contents are variations in application using the basis of Dongeuibogam, forming the roots of the traditional Korean medicine in Sancheong region together with the medical activities of the Hur brothers.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.