• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.19-27
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• 2023

This paper is aimed at exploring a multi-racial, multi-ethnic, and multi-cultural trianglulation of Black, White, and Korean American race relations connected to a large-scale disturbance in the 1992 Los Angeles riots. The second generation Korean American Steph Cha's Your House Will Pay (2019) focuses on a social portrait of the racially marginalized beings as Korean immigrant merchants and African American native consumers. This family saga explores issues resulting from racial hierarchy, racialized stereotypes, and historical marginalization in the internalized sociometry of race and class inequality. This work grapples with issues involved in a sociocultural web of racial triangulation under the white dominant structure, and ensuing intergroup conflicts of social minorities in the economic geography of urban space. It opens up civil discussions for transracial, transethnic, and transcultural interactions and coexistence. It ultimately leads to extending young people's minds for a deep understanding of the socioecomonic landscape of racial matrix, and enhancing the cultural literacy for a better awareness of social empathy and the communal respect of life.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.1 s.112
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• pp.106-120
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• 2006

Natural or man-made disaster has been expected to be one of the potential themes that can integrate human geography and physical geography. Typhoons like Rusa and Maemi caused great loss to insurance companies as well as public sectors. We have implemented a natural disaster management system for a private insurance company to produce better estimation of hazards from high wind as well as calculate vulnerability of damage. Climatic gauge sites and addresses of contract's objects were geo-coded and the pressure values along all the typhoon tracks were vectorized into line objects. National GIS topog raphic maps with scale of 1: 5,000 were updated into base maps and digital elevation model with 30 meter space and land cover maps were used for reflecting roughness of land to wind velocity. All the data are converted to grid coverage with $1km{\times}1km$. Vulnerability curve of Munich Re was ad opted, and preprocessor and postprocessor of wind velocity model was implemented. Overlapping the location of contracts on the grid value coverage can show the relative risk, with given scenario. The wind velocities calculated by the model were compared with observed value (average $R^2=0.68$). The calibration of wind speed models was done by dropping two climatic gauge data, which enhanced $R^2$ values. The comparison of calculated loss with actual historical loss of the insurance company showed both underestimation and overestimation. This system enables the company to have quantitative data for optimizing the re-insurance ratio, to have a plan to allocate enterprise resources and to upgrade the international creditability of the company. A flood model, storm surge model and flash flood model are being added, at last, combined disaster vulnerability will be calculated for a total disaster management system.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.50 no.6
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• pp.571-605
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• 2015

This research revealed that 'Yipjiamlyu' in the Mukedeng's map is geographically 'a beginning point of underf low,' whose location is on the Heishigou's riverbed(E.L. 1,840m) in the NNE side of Daegakbong peak, and that 'Tomungangweon'(Heishigou) is one of the upstream reach of the Sungari River, which, according to historical documents and my fieldwork, Mukedeng also knew at the time of Yimjin(1712) Boundary Making and Demarcation(YBMD). These findings suggest the need to reinterpret the processes of YBMD. Mukedeng set up the Baekdusanjeonggyeobi on the mistaken assumptions on the linkage of 'Yipjiamlyu' and Tumen River. It should have been set up on the Daeyeonjibong peak. Mukedeng found the 'Yipjiamlyu' on the riverbed of 'Tomungangweon'(Heishigou), went downstream, and realized that this river did not flow into the Tumen River. During the search for the source of Tumen River, he found a water stream, and regarded it as the source of Tumen River. He speculated that the water at the 'Yipjiamlyu' flows through the underground to reappear at the his 'identified' source of Tumen River. Consequently, he adjured the construction of demarcation from Baekdusanjeonggyeobi through 'Yipjiamlyu' to the his 'identified' source of Tumen River. The water stream pointed as the source of Tumen River, however, was not part of the upstream reach of Tumen River. Actually, Korean officials, who were in charge of establishing boundary features, set up the demarcation from Baekdusanjeonggyeobi through Huanghuasongdianzi to the true source of Tumen River identified by themselves, which Mukedeng had not intended. The ambiguity of the location of 'Yipjiamlyu' caused a difference between Mukedeng's original request and Korean officials' implementation in the boundary demarcation. Throughout the whole processes of YBMD, Korea(Joseon) and China(Qing) both mistook the real geography of the river system. Their understanding on Yalu River system was correct. But the identification of the spring source of the Tumen River by Korean participants was the only geographically correct result related on this river system in YBMD.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.312-320
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• 1993

Along with the fade out of the Cold War the world is undergoing a fundamental restructuring. The process is generally refered to regionalization and globalization. In this context, the Paper presents a geopolitical perspective on the future of Northeast Asia. To meet the global trend, it is expected that the countries in the area organize an economically cooperative unity, the concept of which the author calls the northeast Asian Rim (NEAR). With its huge potentials to become the largest economic area in the world and with its rather complicated historical and social background, the Rim is tentatively supposed to have a loose and soft organization, to be flexible in dealing with the intra-and interregional relations. The idea underlying the view is that the former area of confrontation between the land power and the sea power is, under the new world environment, going to recover its proper locational attributes and develop into a merging area, a new core. As a physical framework of the Rim a spatial structurc is assumed to consist of two-subrims and two development axes with four development centers.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.91-106
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• 2018

During the Old Uighur period, many works were translated into Old Uighur under the influence of Buddhism. Among these works, literary works such as $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$ hold an important place. These works were usually translated from Pali to Sanskrit, from Sanskrit to Sogdian, Tocharian and Chinese, and to Old Uighur from these languages. These works which were added to the Old Uighur repertoire by translation indicate that different peoples along the ancient Silk Road had deep linguistic interactions with one another. Aside from these works, other narratives that we have been so far unable to determine whether they were translations, adaptations or original works have also been discovered. The Tale of King Chashtana, which was found in the work titled $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$, is one of the tales we have been unable to classify as a translation or an original work. This tale has never been discovered with this title or this content in the languages of any of the peoples that were exposed to Buddhism along the Silk Road. On the other hand, the person whom the protagonist of this tale was named after has a very important place in the history of India, one of the countries that the Silk Road goes through. Saka Mahakshatrapa Chashtana (or Cashtana), a contemporary of Nahapana, declared himself king in Gujarat. A short time later, Chashtana, having invaded Ujjain and Maharashtra, established a powerful Saka kingdom in the west of India. His descendants reigned in the region for a long time. Another important fact about Chashtana is that coinage minted in his name was used all along the Silk Road. Chashtana, who became a significant historical figure in north western India, inspired the name of the protagonist of a tale in Old Uighur. That it is probable that the tale of King Chashtana is an original Old Uighur tale and not found in any other languages of the Silk Road brings some questions to mind: Who is Chashtana, the hero of the story? Is he related to the Saka king Chashtana in any way? What sort of influence did Chashtana have on the Silk Road and its languages? If this tale which we have never encountered in any other language of the Silk Road is indeed an original tale, why did the Old Uighurs use the name of an important Saka ruler? Is Saka-Uighur contact in question, given tales of this kind? What can we say about the historical and cultural geography of the Silk Road, given the fact that coinage was minted in his name and used along the Silk Road? In this study, I will attempt to answer these questions and share the information we have gleaned about Chashtana the hero of the tale and the Saka king Chashtana. One of the main aim of this study is to reveal the relationship between the narrative hero Chashtana and the Saka king Chashtana according to this information. Another aim of this study is to understand the history of the Saka, the Uighur and the Silk Road and to reveal the relationship between these three important subjects of history. The importance of the Silk Road will be emphasized again with the understanding of these relations. In this way, new information about Chashtana, who is an important name in the history of the India and the Silk Road, will be put forward. The history of the Sakas will be viewed from a different perspective through the Old Uighur Buddhist story.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.145-171
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• 2017

This study aims to clarify the meaning of the Anapji which was one of the scenic places of historical interest during Silla Dynasty and of the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which was one of the greatest seven miracles (Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪) through appearance of the Anapji in poems. Anapji lies its original meanings on Anhaji(安夏池) and then it was shortened to Anji(雁池), apji(鴨池) while Dongho(東湖) has also been called since it is located in the South of Gyeongju. As of July 2011, the Ministry of Culture officially renamed Anapji and Imhaejeon Hall Site(臨海殿址) as the palace of Crown Prince-Gyonegju Donggung(慶州 東宮) and Wolji(月池) (Historical Site No. 18) and Wolji became the current name. While pond was made during Munmu of Silla, the name Anapji did not exist. Kim Si-Seup (1465~1471) in the early Chosun period referred to the pond as Anhaji(安夏池) and its name started being called as Anapji in the Geography of Korea (Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam,(新增東國輿地勝覽)(Jungjong 25, 1530). Though modern scholar states that it was being called Anapji since there are always many ducks and wild geese in the pond, they fails to present the literature evidences. The author found the line in the poem -Anapji composed by writer Kim Chul Woo, which means that a wild duck and water bird get in and off the pond on their own and the record saying which means Dong-ho(東湖) from the phrase of Dongho-saw-sar-gi(東湖書社記) of Lee Su In(李樹仁)(1739-1822)-Confucian Scholar of Gyeongju was created due to the fact that many wild geese and ducks are flying over. Based on the facts foresaid, the literature evidences for the name of Anapji are presented in the paper. Anapji is a combined word between the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which is a flooding weed and Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪). Dong-do-chil-gue is an ancient form of Modern Eight Scenic Views. Eight Scenic Views -Gyeongju Parlgyong is just well-known as scenic places without grotesque elements Dong-do-chil-gue had before. However, the author also found the passage of Ilseongnok: Records of Daily Reflections saying that Anapji has a clod that is as wide as rock(盤石) and the clod also has moneywort on, which are undulating in the wind and clarified how the Anapbupyeong became one of the one of the greatest-seven miracles Dong-do-chil-gue and why the Anapbupyeong frequently appears in the poems of many writers.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.10-19
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• 2022

In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.63-93
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• 2023

This study aims to examine the history of naming the strait between the Yellow and East China Seas and the East Sea to suggest a consistent nomenclature and to demarcate the geographic region of the strait. Although the strait is internationally known as 'Korea Strait', it is commonly referred to as the 'South Sea' in Korean common usage. This review ultimately recommends the use of 'Korea Strait' as an appropriate geographical name for this area. To support this recommendation, the historical boundaries typically assigned to the Korea Strait were investigated. We also analyzed the evolution of geographical labels assigned to Korea Strait and to the Western and Eastern Channels (labels given to the two maritime areas surrounding Tsushima). Resources for this analysis included historic maps and charts, International Hydrographic Organization Special Publications (S-23), and maps published in the Ocean Science Journal (OSJ) and Journal of Oceanography (JO), which are two international journals representing Korean and Japanese sources, respectively, from 2005 to 2021. In these two international journals, the most frequently used names assigned to the strait of interest were Korea Strait (appearing 42.9% of OSJ maps, and 7.5% of JO maps), and Tsushima Strait (appearing 60.4% of JO maps, and 0% of OSJ maps). Other names were South Sea and Korea Strait/Tsushima Strait. On maps in the two reviewed journals, the boundaries of Korea Strait were defined explicitly or implicitly in five different ways: a broad region between the Yellow and East China Seas and Ulleung Basin (Type 1), the region between Ulleung Basin and Tsushima (Type 2), the western channel of the strait (Type 3-1), the eastern channel of the strait (Type 3-2), and both the western and eastern channels of the strait (Type 4). Overall, Type 1 was the most frequently used boundary, taking up 71.4% of OSJ and 60.4% of JO maps. Lastly, we suggest in this paper that the current flowing through Korea Strait from the East China Sea to the East Sea should be labeled the 'Korea Strait Warm Current' to indicate its full path through the strait. Currently, this current is internationally referred to as the 'Tsushima Warm Current', which does not link well to the commonly used geographic name of the strait.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.220-239
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• 2019

According to the National Currency (國幣) article in GyeongGukDaeJeon (經國大典), the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was a seal that was imprinted on both ends of a piece of hemp fabric (布). It was used for the circulation of hemp fabric as a fabric currency (布幣). The issued fabric currency was used as a currency for trade or as pecuniary means to have one's crime exempted or replace one's labor duty. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn would be imprinted on a piece of hemp fabric (布) to collect one-twentieth of tax. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was one of the historical currencies and seal materials used during the early Chosun dynasty. Its imprint was a means of collecting taxes; hence, it was one of the taxation research materials. Despite its value, however, there has been no active research undertaken on it. Thus, the investigator conducted comprehensive research on it based on related content found in JeonRokTongGo (典錄通考), Dae'JeonHu-Sok'Rok (大典後續錄), JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄) and other geography books (地理志) as well as the materials mentioned by researchers in previous studies. The investigator demonstrated that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was established based on the concept of circulating Choson fabric notes (朝鮮布貨) with a seal on ChongOseungp'o (正五升布) in entreaty documents submitted in 1401 and that the fabric currency (布幣) with the imprint of the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was used as a currency for trade, pecuniary or taxation means of having one's crime exempted, or replacing one's labor, and as a tool of revenue from ships. The use of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn continued even after a ban on fabric currencies (布幣) in March 1516 due to a policy on the "use of Joehwa (paper notes)" in 1515. It was still used as an official seal on local official documents in 1598. During the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖), it was used to make a military service (軍布) hemp fabric. Some records of 1779 indicate that it was used as a means of taxation for international trade. It is estimated that approximately 330 ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn were in circulation based on records in JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄). Although there was the imprint of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn in An Inquiry on Choson Currency (朝鮮貨幣考) published in 1940, there had been no fabric currencies (布幣) with its imprint on them or genuine cases of the seal. It was recently found among the artifacts of Wongaksa Temple. The seal imprint was also found on historical manuscripts produced at the Jikjisa Temple in 1775. The investigator compared the seal imprints found on the historical manuscripts of the Jikjisa Temple, attached to TapJwaJongJeonGji (塔左從政志), and published in An Inquiry on Choson Currency with the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn housed at the Wongaksa Temple. It was found that these seal imprints were the same shape as the one at Wongaksa Temple. In addition, their overall form was the same as the one depicted in Daerokji (大麓誌) and LiJaeNanGo (?齋亂藁). These findings demonstrate that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn at Wongaksa Temple was a seal made in the 15th century and is, therefore, an important artifact in the study of Choson's currency history, taxation, and seals. There is a need for future research examining its various aspects.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.65-80
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• 1999

In this study, the researcher studied the historical background and the traditional culture about dress and ornament of Yunnan Province of China. The Results of the study are as follows. 1. In the Past, Derung's dress was very simple due to the influence of various factors, such as geography and history. Men wore shorts and covered diagonally a piece of cloth from left shoulders to right armpits and tied up the two ends on chests. Women covered crisscross two pieces of cloth from both shoulders to knee. 2. Achang people's dress and adornment has its own unique characteristic. Generally, men wear Jackets with buttons down the front and black trousers. Unmarried men like to wear white turbans, while most of married men usually wear dark blue ones. Women usually wear tight-sleeve blouses with buttons down the front and skirts. Unmarried women wear the hair in braids coil them on the top of their heads. They wear short blouses and trousers. Married women wear their hair Into buns and like to entwine black or blue cloth into high trubans. They wear short blouses and knee-length straight skirts. Achang knife enjoys high reputation and has a long history and an exquisite workmanship. All the men like to wear it. 3. The dress and adornment of the Lahu nationality has both the characteristic of farming culture and the style of nomadic culture of early times. Men usually wear short shirts with round necks and buttons down the front, loose-legged trousers, turbans or dark blue cloth caps Women's dress and adornment can be categorized into two styles. One is black cloth gown with buttons diagonally on the right front and waist-length slits on both sides. The edges of fronts and cuffs are edged with Silver ornaments and lace. They also wear trousers. The other is short blouse with round neck and short opening on th right front, straight skirt and colourful leggings with embroidered patterns. 4. The Hani people, men and women, old and young, like black colour and are fond of wearing black clothes. Men usually wear shirts with buttons down the front and trousers, entwining their heads with black or white cloth. The elderly people wear calottes. Women wear cloth blouses, skirts and trousers or shorts. Slight differences exist in the clothing and adornments according to region, branch and age 5. Blang people's dyeing technique with an exquisite method has a long history. Men wear dark blue long sleeve shirts with round necks and buttons down the front or arranged diagonally on the front and loose-legged trousers. Elderly men wear big turbans wdress and adornment varies greatly in different regions. 6. The Lisu people culture of dress and adornment has some unique characteristics. The styles and colours of their dress and adornment differ slightly from place to place. In the Nujiang area, Women wear black velvet Jackets over blouses with buttons arranged diagonally on the right front and long pleated ramie skirts. Men usually wear wraparound ramie gowns, with center vent, made of fabrics alternated with white and black cross stripes. They also wear cloth waistbands and trohile youngsters keep their hair short. Women's users. In the Lushui area, the dress and adornment is similar to that in the Nujing region, but women wear aprons and trousers instead of skirts. 7. The Nu people dress and adornment is simple but elegant Women are proficient in ramie-weaving. Men usually wear gowns With overlapping necks, knee-length trousers and leggings. They like to wear their hair long and entwine dark blue or white turbans. Women wear black and red vests over blouses with buttons arranged diagonally on the right front and ankle-length skirts. They also wear their hair long, make it into braids, and entwine dark blue or colourful cloth turbans. 8. Pumi men usually wear ramie shirts With buttons arranged diagonally on the right front, loose trousers and white sheepskin vests. Some also wear overcoats made of "pulu". Women's dress and adornment varies in different areas. In the Lanping and Weixi regions, women wear white short blouses with buttons arranged diagonally on the front and dark brown embroidered vests. They also wear trousers and blue or black cloth turbans. In the Ninglang and Yongsheng regions, women wear hemmed blouses With buttons arranged diagonally on the right front and drape sheepskin capes. They also wear white pleated skirts and use broad colourful cloth as their waistbands.