• 비교문화연구
• /
• 제25권
• /
• pp.775-798
• /
• 2011

From Post-Modern Edo-language of Japan, it is possible to find expression formats related to current Tokyo language. However, in some cases, Tokyo language and Edo-language has the same format but different usage. One example is the ending portion of a sentence. This research investigates conclusive expressions of Edo-language in literary works excluding the usage of "ダ". Various formats of conclusive expressions appear in a conversation, and the usage is closely related to the speaker's sex, age, and social status. Also from the study, it was possible to see that the social relationship between a speaker and a listener and a conversation circumstance has an effect on the usage of conclusive expressions. In addition, usage does not conform to the current standard Japanese. 1. Currently "である(dearu)" format is seldom used in speaking, it is used with "だ" only in writing. The study found no case of "である(dearu)" in conclusive expressions but some use of "であろうて(dearoute) であらうな(dearouna)" "であったのう(deattanou) であったよ(deattayo)" only in old aged male. 2. "であります(dearimasu)" format is a typical Edo-language used by society-women (Japanese hostess who has a good education and an elegant speaking skills). This format was used once in "浮世風呂"(ukiyoburo) and 14 times in "梅?"(umegoyomi), but speakers were always a female. The reason for 14 occurrences in "梅?" is closely related to the fact that the main characters are society-women and genre is "人情本(ninjoubourn)" which is popular type of cultural literature (based on humanity and romance) in late Edo period. 3. "でござる" format is originally used as a respect-language but later changed to a polite language. The format is always used by male. It is a male language used by old aged people with a genteel manner such as a medical doctor, a retired man, or a funny-song writer. 4. "ございます(gozaimasu) ごぜへます(gozeemasu)" The study found the speaker's social status has a connection with the use of "ごぜへます(gozeemasu)" format. Which is "ございます(gozaimasu)" format but instead of [ai], long vowel [eː] is used. "ごぜへます(gozeemasu)" is more used by a female than a male and only used by young and mid-to-low class people. The format has a tough nuance and less elegant feel, therefore high class and/or educated ladies have a clear tendency to avoiding it

• 말소리와 음성과학
• /
• 제11권3호
• /
• pp.77-87
• /
• 2019

본 연구는 발화범위 프로파일(Speech Range Profile, SRP) 과제를 개발하고, 개발된 SRP 과제가 최대발화범위를 측정하기에 적합한지 살펴보기 위해 45명의 18-29세 정상음성군을 대상으로 음성범위 프로파일(Voice Range Profile, VRP) 과제와 비교하였다. 이를 위해 한국어의 모든 말소리와 문장 유형을 포함하는 14개 문장으로 구성된 "불이야"문단을 개발하였다. SRP와 VRP 간의 차이를 비교하기 위해 SRP 과제로는 새롭게 개발된 문단으로 문단읽기와 21-30까지 숫자세기를 사용하였고, VRP 과제는 /a/ 모음을 낮은 음도부터 높은 음도까지 활창하기와 축약된 VRP를 사용하였다. SRP와 VRP의 변수로 최고기본주파수($F0_{max}$), 최저기본주파수($F0_{min}$), 기본주파수범위($F0_{range}$), 최대음성강도($I_{max}$), 최소음성강도($I_{min}$) 및 음성강도범위($I_{range}$)를 측정한 후 과제 간 차이를 비교하였다. 그 결과, $F0_{max}$, $F0_{min}$, $F0_{range}$, $I_{max}$ 및 $I_{range}$는 모두 문단읽기의 SRP와 활창하기의 VRP 간에 차이가 없었고, $I_{min}$은 숫자세기의 SRP가 가장 낮은 평균값을 보였다. 즉 새롭게 개발된 SRP 과제인 "불이야" 문단은 정상 음성 산출 화자에서 모음만을 통해 측정된 VRP의 음역대와 유사한 수준의 음역대를 산출할 수 있음을 알 수 있다. 이에 오랜 시간이 소요되거나 중증도의 음성장애에서 측정이 어려울 수 있는 VRP를 대신하여 기능적 말산출 과제인 SRP를 적용함으로써 국내 임상환경에서 비교적 짧은 시간 내에 음성평가를 효과적으로 실시할 수 있을 것으로 본다.

• 말소리와 음성과학
• /
• 제14권4호
• /
• pp.67-75
• /
• 2022

본 연구는 53명의 음성장애 성인 여성과 53명의 정상음성 성인 여성의 진성구와 가성구 음역대 및 진성구-가성구 성구전환이 발생하는 구간을 비교하였다. 최고기본주파수(F0_MAX), 최고음성강도(I_MAX), 기본주파수범위(F0_RANGE) 및 음성강도범위(I_RANGE) 모두 음성장애군이 정상음성군에 비해 유의하게 낮았다. 또한 두 집단 모두 F0_MAX와 F0_RANGE가 진성구에 비해 가성구가 유의하게 높았다. I_MAX와 I_RANGE는 정상음성군에서 가성구가 진성구보다 유의하게 높았으나 음성장애군은 진성구와 가성구 간에 차이가 없었다. F0_MIN과 I_MIN은 두 집단 간에 통계적으로 유의한 차이는 없었다. 진성구-가성구 성구전환이 발생하는 지점의 주파수는 음성장애군은 378.86Hz(F4#), 정상음성군은 557.79Hz(C5#)로 음성장애군이 유의하게 낮았다. 본 연구를 통해 음성장애가 있는 성인 여성의 진성구와 가성구 음역대 모두 정상음성 성인 여성에 비해 감소하여 성대가 고주파수에서 진동하기 어렵다는 것을 알 수 있다. 본 연구결과는 성인 여성 음성장애 화자의 진성구와 가성구의 VRP를 함께 살펴봄으로써 음성장애가 미치는 음향학적 특성을 파악하기 위한 기초자료로 사용될 수 있을 것이다.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
• /
• pp.246-246
• /
• 1996

Purpose: Some of the properties of the prosodic phrasing and some acoustic and phonological effects of contrastive focus on the tonal pattern of Seoul Korean is explored based on a brief experiment of analyzing the fundamental frequency(=FO) contour of the speech of the author. Data Base and Analysis Procedures: The examples were chosen to contain mostly nasal and liquid consonants, since it is difficult to track down the formants in stops and fricatives during their corresponding consonantal intervals and stops may yield an effect of unwanted increase in the FO value due to their burst into the following vowel. All examples were recorded three times and the spectrum of the most stable repetition was generated, from which the FO contour of each sentence was obtained, the peaks with a value higher than 250Hz being interpreted as a high tone (=H). The result is then discussed within the prosodic hierarchy framework of Selkirk (1986) and compared with the tonal pattern of the Northern Kyungsang dialect of Korean reported in Kenstowicz & Sohn (1996). Prosodic Phrasing: In N.K. Korean, H never appears both on the object and on the verb in a neutral sentence, which indicates the object and the verb form a single Phonological Phrase ($={\phi}$), given that there is only one pitch peak for each $={\phi}$. However, Seoul Korean shows that both the object and the verb have H of their own, indicating that they are not contained in one $={\phi}$. This violates the Optimality constraint of Wrap-XP (=Enclose a lexical head and its arguments in one $={\phi}$), while N.K. Korean obeys the constraint by grouping a VP in a single $={\phi}$. This asymmetry can be resolved through a constraint that favors the separate grouping of each lexical category and is ranked higher than Wrap-XP in Seoul Korean but vice versa in N.K. Korean; $Align-x^{lex}$ (=Align the left edge of a lexical category with that of a $={\phi}$). (1) nuna-ka manll-ll mEk-nIn-ta ('sister-NOM garlic-ACC eat-PRES-DECL') a. (LLH) (LLH) (HLL) ----Seoul Korean b. (LLH) (LLL LHL) ----N.K. Korean Focus and Phrasing: Two major effects of contrastive focus on phonological phrasing are found in Seoul Korean: (a) the peak of an Intonatioanl Phrase (=IP) falls on the focused element; and (b) focus has the effect of deleting all the following prosodic structures. A focused element always attracts the peak of IP, showing an increase of approximately 30Hz compared with the peak of a non-focused IP. When a subject is focused, no H appears either on the object or on the verb and a focused object is never followed by a verb with H. The post-focus deletion of prosodic boundaries is forced through the interaction of StressFocus (=If F is a focus and DF is its semantic domain, the highest prominence in DF will be within F) and Rightmost-IP (=The peak of an IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$). First Stress-F requires the peak of IP to fall on the focused element. Then to avoid violating Rightmost-IP, all the boundaries after the focused element should delete, minimizing the number of $={\phi}$'s intervening from the right edge of IP. (2) (omitted) Conclusion: In general, there seems to be no direct alignment constraints between the syntactically focused element and the edge of $={\phi}$ determined in phonology; all the alignment effects come from a single requirement that the peak of IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$ as proposed in Truckenbrodt (1995).