The Life Experiences of the Deaf Elderly (농아노인의 생활 경험)
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- 한국노년학
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- v.36 no.3
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- pp.525-540
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- 2016
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The purpose of this study was to investigate what kind of experiences the deaf elderly would have in the course of life. It also aimed to promote the understanding of their living difficulties and culture among people with normal hearing and provide basic data to help them live with others as members of the community. Phenomenological qualitative research was conducted as part of the methodology. The subjects include seven deaf old people. Based on the results of in-depth interview and analysis, the life experiences of the deaf elderly were categorized into "unforgettable wounds," "life in the community," "life with the family," "marriage of the deaf elderly", and "living by adjusting to reality." First, the subcategories of "unforgettable wounds" include "receiving no treatment for fever," "damage by the Korean War," "alienation from the family," and "people's cold eyes." It turned out that the deaf elderly had led a life, suffering from the heart wounds that they could not forget. Second, the subcategories of "life in the community" include "inconvenience in life," "disadvantages in life," and "severed life." The deaf elderly were not only subjected to inconvenience and disadvantages in life, but also suffered loneliness, being cut off from the community. Third, the subcategories of "life with the family" include "not communicating with children," "being abandoned again," "being used by the family," "being lonely even with the family," and "wishing to live independently from the family." The deaf elderly were not supported by their families and were abandoned or used by them, leading a solitary life. Fourth, the subcategories of "marriage of the deaf elderly" include"send as a surrogate mother," "frequent remarriage and divorce," "lean on as a married couple." Deaf elderly form their own culture of the marriage and lean on each other. Finally, the subcategories of "living by adjusting to reality" include "getting help from neighbors," "behaving oneself right in life," "learning Hangul," "living by working," "living freely," "living by missing," and "controlling the impulse to end life," "resorting to religion." The deaf elderly made the most alienated and vulnerable group with no access to benefits due to their limitations as a linguistic and social minority, but they made efforts to form their own culture and adjust to reality for themselves. Based on those findings, the study made the following proposals: first, there is a need for practical approaches to heal the ineffaceable wounds in the hearts of deaf elderly. Second, there is a need for policies to help them experience no inconvenience and disadvantages as members of community and communicate with people with normal hearing. Third, there should be practical approaches to enable them to get recognition and support from their families and share love with them. Finally, there should be practical policy approaches to help people with normal hearing understand the culture of deaf elderly and assist the deaf elderly to receive supports from the community and live with others within the community.
The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.