• Journal of The Association for Neo Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.35-54
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• 1997

We tried to observe the features of ancient medical practice by analysing the records related to medicine in the book, ${\ulcorner}$the Historical Records of the Three Kingdom${\lrcorner}$ of which content includes the features of medicine in mythology, plague, delivery of twins, drugs, medical system, shamanism, constitutional medicine, psychiatry, forensic medicine, deformity, a spa, medical phrase, health and welfare work, religion, death. physiological anatomy, Taoist medicine, acupuncture, the occult af of transformation and etc. Our initial concern was about where to draw line as of medical field and we defined medicine in more broad meaning. The book ${\ulcorner}$the Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms${\lrcorner}$ describes the world of mythology by way of medicine which is not clearly a conventional one. There appears records of birth of multiple offsprings 7 times in which cases are of triplets or more. Delivering multiple offsprings were rare phenomenon though such fertility was highly admired. This shows one aspect of ancient country having more population meant more power of the nation. Of those medical records conveyed in that book includes stories of childbirth such as giving birth to a son after praying, giving birth to Kim Yoo-shin after 20 months after mother's dream of conception, and a song longing for getting a laudable child. Plagues were prevalent throughout winter to spring season and one can observe various symptoms of plagues in the record. Of these epidemic diseases, cold type might have been more common than the heat one. Appearance of epidemic diseases frequently coincided with that of natural disasters that this suggests a linkage between plague and underlying doctrine on five elements' motion and six kinds of natural factors. There exists only a few names of diseases such as epidemic disease, wind disease, and syndrome characterized by dyspnea. Otherwise there appeared only afflictions that were not specified therefore it remains cluless to keep track of certain diseases of prevalence. Since this ${\ulcorner}$Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms'${\lrcorner}$ wasn't any sort of medical book, words and terms used were not technical kind and most were the ones used generally among lay people. Therefore any mechanisms of the diseases were hardly mentioned. Some of medicinal substances such as Calculus Bovis, Radix Ginseng, Gaboderma Luciderm, magnetitum were also in use in those days. 53 kinds of dietary supplies appears in the records and some of these might have been used as medicinal purpose. Records concerning dicipline of one's body includes activities such as hunting, archery, horseback riding etc. In Shilla dynasty there were positions such as professor of medicine, Naekongbong(內供奉), Kongbong's doctor(供奉醫師), Kongbong's diviner(供奉卜師). As an educational facility, medical school was built at the first year of King Hyoso's reign and it's curricula included various subjects as ${\ulcorner}$Shin Nong's Herbal classic${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$Kabeul classic of acupuncture and moxbustion${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$The Plain Questions of the Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$Classic of Acupuncturer${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$The Pulse Classic${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$Classic of Channels and Acupuncture Points${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$Difficult Classic${\lrcorner}$. There were 2 medical professors who were in charge of education. To establish pharmacopoeia, 2 Shaji(舍知), 6 Sha(史), 2 Jongshaji(從舍知) were appointed. In Baekje dynasty, Department of Herb was maintained. Doing praying for the sake of health, doing phrenology also can be extended to medical arena. Those who survived over 100 years of age appear 3 times in the record, while 98 appears once. The earliest psychiatrist Nokjin differentiated symptoms to apply either therapies using acupuncture and drug or psychotherapy. There appears a case of rape, a case of burying alive with the dead, 8 cases of suicide that can characterize a prototype of forensic medicine. Deformity-related records include phrases as follow: 'there seems protrudent bone behind the head', 'a body which has two heads, two trunks, four arms.', 'a body equipped with two heads' In those times spa can be said to be used as a place for he리ing, convalescence, and relaxation seeing the records describing a person pretended illness and went to spa to enjoy with his friends. Priest doctors and millitary surgeons were in charge of the medical sevice in the period of the Three Kingdoms by the record written by Mookhoja(墨胡子) and Hoonkyeom(訓謙). Poor diet and regimen makes people more vulnerable to diseases. So there existed charity services for those poor people who couldn't live with one's own capacity such as single parents, orphans, the aged people no one to take care and those who are ill. The cause of affliction was frequently coined with human relation. There appeared the phenomenon of releasing prisoners and allowing people to become priests at the time of king's suffering. Besides, as a healing procedure, sutra-chanting was peformed. There appears 10 cases of death related records which varies from death by drowning, or by freezing, death from animals, death from war, death from wightloss and killing oneself at the moment of spouse's death and etc. There also exist certain records which suggest the knowledge of physiology and anatomy in those times. Since the taoist books such as ${\ulcorner}$Book of the Way and Its Power(老子道德經)${\lrcorner}$ were introduced in the period of Three Kingdoms, it can be considered that medicine was also influenced by taoism. Records of higher level of acupuncture, records which links the medicine and occult art of transformation existed. Although limited, we could figure out the medical state of ancient society.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.62-85
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• 2009

The Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the South Sea shrine in Yeong-Am, Korea was a national institution for public peace and bliss, was excavated in 2000, and the shrine and the 3-way-gate were reconstructed in 2001. Hae Sin-sa, the Sea shrine is a place for religious service separated into the Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the Dong-Hae Myo, and the Seo-Hae Dan. The Dong-Hae Myo was reconstructed, but restored shrine and 3-way-gate of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa is not perfect in comparison with excavation plan in 2000, therefore new reconstruction was researched through the related literature, the analysis of historical maps and excavation results, the interview with the concerned people and the case study. This research defines the analysis of the Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction as follows. 1. The Nam-Hae Sin-sa was the institution for religious service operated by national direct management, represents the shrine for public peace and bliss on the Mountain, the Sea, and the River. Especially the Nam-Hae Sin-sa had an important position on the pivot of international trade with China and Japan, and had a role of main shrine with another one in the Mt. Ji-ri San. 2. The name of the Sea shrine was called as Nam-Hae Sin-sa(the South Sea shrine), Dong-Hae Myo(the East Sea shrine), Seo-Hae Dan(the West Sea shrine). But the name of the South Sea shrine had changed in the early period of Chosun as Nam-Hae Sin-sa to the later Chosun as Nam-Hae Dang through the research of related literature and historical map. Such as the Seo-Hae Dan, it was constructed for the Dan, the flat raised-floor without buildings, and changed to the type of Sa-Dang with addition of buildings. 3. The historical map of Hae Sin-sa informs the types of the roof, the Mat-bae roof was used in the Dong-Hae Myo, but the Pal-jak roof was showed in the Seo-Hae Dan and the Nam-Hae Sin-sa. 4. According to the analysis of Yong-Ch'uck the unit length, Nam-Hae Sin-sa was reconstructed in the period of Koryo on large scale, but it was restored in the Chosun on middle scale. And the Unit of Yong Ch'uck was changed into Yeong-jo Ch'uck in the period of Chosun. 5. As the results, The Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction designed the new shrine into the 3 Kan front and the 2 Kan side with 3:2 scale. An-ch'o-gong with Yong-du and Yong Mi the ornaments represents head and tail of dragon, the Un-gong and the ornament of Pa-ryun-dae-gong in the building, and the Ch'ung-ryang of the Yong-du show the image of the institution for religious service for the god of the sea who look like dragon. The inner gate building and the main entrance were designed as same plan and scale as Hyang-gyo, the Korean Traditional School and Shrine of Confucianism, on the basis of results of excavation. Raise the 3-tall gate of the main entrance with harmony of the scale and the shape, because the side of gate building has the Mat-bae roof. 6. This research shows that Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction is composed into shrine space and reservation space from the main entrance to inner gate and shrine like Jung-ak Dan in the Mt. Gye-ryong San, and it also informs the well in the west side of Sin-sa is an important factor of the plan of shrine architecture.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.18
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• pp.88-123
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• 1975

To obtain useful fundamental informations for improving cultural practices of barley, an investigation was made on the influences of different fertilizer level and seeding rate as well as seeding date on yield and yield components and their balancing procedure using barley variety Suwon ＃ 18, and at the same time, 8 varieties including Suwon ＃ 18 were also tested to clarify the varietal responses in terms of their yield and yield components under different seeding date at Crop Experiment Station, Suwon, during the period of 1969 and 1970. The results obtained were summarized as follows; 1. Days to emergence of barley variety Suwon ＃ 18 at Suwon, took 8 to 19 days in accordance with given different seeding date (from Sept. 21 to Oct. 31). Earlier emergence was observed by early seeding and most of the seeds were emerged at 15$0^{\circ}C$ cumulated soil temperature at 5cm depth from surface under the favorable condition. 2. Degree of cold injury in different seeding date was seemed to be affected by the growth rate of seedlings and climatic condition during the wintering period. Over growth and number of leaves less than 5 to 6 on the main stem before wintering were brought in severe cold damage during the wintering period. 3. Even though the number of leaves on the main stem were variable from 11 to 16 depending upon the seeding date. this differences were occurred before wintering and less variation was observed after wintering. Particularly, differences of the number of main stem leaves from September 21 to October 11 seeding date were occurred due to the differences of number of main stem leaves before wintering. 4. Dry matter accumulation before wintering was high in early seeded plot and gradually decreased in accordance with delayed seeding date and less different in dry matter weight was observed after wintering. However, the increment rate of this dry matter was high from regrowth to heading time and became low during the ripening period. 5. Number of tillers per $\m^2$ was higher in early seeding than late one and dense planting was higher in the number of tillers than sparse planting. Number of tillers per plant was lower in number and variation in dense planting, and reverse tendency was observed in sparse planting. By increasing seedling rate in early seeding date the number of tiller per plant was remarkably decreased, but the seeding rate didn't affect the individual tillering capacity in the late seeding date. 6. Seedlings were from early planting reached maximum tillering stage earlier than those from the late planting and no remarkable changes was observed due to increased seeding rate. However. increased seeding rate tends to make it earlier the maximum tillering stage early. 7. Stage of maximum tillering was coincided with stage of 4-5 main stem leaves regardless the seeding date. 8. Number of heads per $\m^2$ was increased with increased seeding rate but considerable year variation in number of heads was observed by increased fertilizer level. Therefore, it was clear that there is no difficulties in increasing number of heads per $\m^2$ through increasing both fertilizer level and seeding rate. This type of tendency was more remarkable at optimum seeding time. In the other hand, seeding at optimum time is more important than increasing seeding rate, but increasing seeding rate was more effective in late seeding for obtaining desirable number of heads per $\m^2$. 9. Number of heads per $\m^2$ was decreased generally in all varieties tested in late seeding, but the degree of decrease by late seeding was lower in Suwon ＃ 18. Yuegi, Hangmi and Buheung compared with Suwon ＃ 4, Suwon ＃ 6, Chilbo and Yungwolyukak. 10. Highly significant positive correlations were obtained between number of head and tillers per $\m^2$ from heading date in September 21 seeding, from before-wintering in October 1 seeding and in all growth period from October 11 to October 31 seeding. However, relatively low correlation coefficient was estimated between number of heads and tillers counted around late March to early April in any seeding date. 11. Valid tiller ratio varied from 33% to 76% and highest yield was obtained when valid tiller ratio was about 50%. Therefore, variation of valid tiller ratio was greater due to seeding date differences than due to seeding rate. Early seeding decreased the valid tiller ratio and gradually increased by delaying seeding date but decreased by increasing seeding rate. Among the varieties tested Suwon ＃ 18, Hangmi, Yuegi as well as Buheung should be high valid tiller ratio not only in late seeding but also in early seeding. In contrast to this phenomena, Chilbo, Suwon ＃ 4, Suwon ＃ 6 and Yungwolyukak expressed low valid tiller ratio in general, and also exhibited the same tendency in late seeding date. 12. Number of grains per spike was increased by increasing fertilizer level and decreased by increasing seeding rate. Among the seeding date tested. October 21 (1969) and October 11 (1970) showed lowest number of grains per spike which was increased in both early seeding and late seeding date. There were no definite tendencies observed along with seeding date differences in respective varieties tested. 13. Variation of 1000 grain weight due to fertilizer level applied, seeding date and seeding rate was not so high as number of grains per spike and number of heads per $\m^2$, but exhibited high year variation. Increased seeding rate decreased the 1000 grain weight. Among the varieties tested Chilbo and Buheung expressed heavy grain weight, while Suwon ＃ 18, Hangmi and Yuegi showed comparatively light grain weight. 14. Optimum seeding date in Suwon area was around October 1 to October 11. Yield was generally increased by increasing fertilizer level. Yield decrease due to early seeding was compensated in certain extent by increased fertilizer application. 15. Yield variations due to seeding rate differences were almost negligible compare to the variations due to fertilizer level and seeding date. In either early seeding or law fertilizer level yield variation due to seeding rate was not so remarkable. Increment of fertilizer application was more effective for yield increase especially at increased seeding rate. And also increased seeding rate fairly compensated the decrease of yield in late seeding date. 16. Optimum seeding rate was considered to be around 18-26 liters per 10a at N-P-K=10.5-6-6 kg/10a fertilizer level considering yield stabilization. 17. Varietal differences in optimum seeding date was quite remarkable Suwon ＃ 6, Suwon ＃ 4. Buheung noted high yield at early seeding and Suwon ＃ 18, Yuegi and Hangmi yielded higher in seeding date of October 10. However, Buheung showed late seeding adaptability. 18. Highly significant positive correlations were observed between yield and yield components in all treatments. However, this correlation coefficient was increased positively by increased fertilizer level and decreased by increased seeding rate. Significant negative correlation coefficients were estimated between yield and number of grains per spike, since increased number of heads per m2 at the same level of fertilizer tends to decrease the number of grains per spike. Comparatively low correlation coefficients were estimated between 1000 grain weight and yield. 19. No significant relations in terms of correlation coefficients was observed between number of heads per $\m^2$ and 1000 grain weight or number of grains per head.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.