• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.19
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• pp.271-293
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• 2010

Japanese Give and Receive Verbs are divided into "YARU", "MORAU" and "KURERU". These are influenced by the subject, speaker's viewpoint and meaning. Three verbs are used in a different way depending on who is the giver and who is the taker. I analyze "YARU" and "KURERU" Verbs used in TOUSEISYOUSEIKATAGI. It focus on politeness, gender, and meaning when combined with 'TE'. As an expression of politeness, 'Yaru' is to give to a person of lower social status or an animal or plant. 'Ageru' is to give to an equal ora person of lower social status nowadays. However, 'Ageru' which is treated as elegance of the language remained expression of respect, 'Yaru' is used when the receiver is a person of lower social status and equal social status in TOUSEISYOUSEIKATAGI. 'Kureru' is used when the receiver is a person of lower social status and equal social status, 'kudasaru' is used when a person of higher social status gives the speaker something in TOUSEISYOUSEIKATAGI. Women speakers use 'oyarinasai' 'oyariyo' 'ageru' 'okureru' and men speakers use 'yaru' 'kureru'. Speech patterns peculiar to men are 'kuretamae' 'kurenka'. If the verbs are joined to "TE", they obtain abstract meaning as well as a movement of things. They express some modality for action of the preceeding verbs. The modality has the following meanings ; good will, goodness, benefits, kindness, hopeness, expectation, disadvantage, injury, ill will and sarcasm. In addition, 'TE YARU' expresses the speaker's strong will, 'TE KURERU' expresses the speaker's request.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.29
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• pp.391-411
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• 2012

Request expressions can be defined as expressions that demand or ask the other person to do certain movements. There are direct request expressions that ask the other person to do certain movements directly and indirect request expressions that ask the other person to do certain movements by describing the speaker's condition. The study analyzed gender and hierarchy of speakers and listeners who used 'tekure' and 'tekudasai' in dialog examples of the Meiji Period and the Taisho Period. In those periods, the modern Tokyo dialect was formed and established. "Toseishoseikatagi"in Meiji 10s,"Ukigumo""Natsukodachi""Tajotakon"in Meiji 20s,"Hakai""Botchan"in Meiji 30s,"Huton""Inakakyoshi" in Meiji 40s and "Aruonna"in the Taisho Period were analyzed for the study. 'kure' was used more by male speakers than female speakers. Examples by female speakers were shown on the novels after Meji 30s. In case of male speakers, they often used it to listeners with an equitable relationship at "Toseishoseikatagi"in Meiji 10s but they often used it to younger listeners at "Hakai"in Meiji 30s. 'okure' was used more by female speakers than male speakers. Listeners were varied from older ones to younger ones. In case of female speakers, 'okure' was used more often at "Aruonna"in the Taisho Period than the other novels. In case of male speakers, 'okure' was used only at "Ukigumo""Natsukodachi"and "Hakai". 'Okurenasai' was used outstandingly by female speakers on the form of 'okun_'. In case of 'kudasai', female speakers used it more than male speakers at "Toseishoseikatagi" and "Aruonna"but male speakers used it more than female speakers at "Tajotakon"and "Hakai". Listeners were varied from older ones to younger ones. 'o~kudasai' was not shown until Meiji 20s but shown after Meiji 30s among the analyzed novels. According to gender, it was used a little bit more often by female speakers than male speakers. According to hierarchy, listeners were usually older than speakers. 'o~nasatekudasai' was used more often by male speakers than female speakers. Listeners were also usually older than speakers.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.327-353
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• 2017

This study analyzed how an aspect of translation can be shown on the 'Kureru type(くれる類)' verbs in "Kokoro", which was a Japanese modern novel when it was reproduced by translators. It focused on 'the use in accordance with a subject of expression and the other person' and 'the object of movement'. 'The use in accordance with a subject of expression and the other person' could be summarized as follows: The 'Kureru type' verbs were not translated only in accordance with the use of vocabulary in a dictionary. 'Kudasaru' was used in many examples of letter writing when 'the giver' was younger and it was translated to a polite form in Korean. 'Kureru' had a characteristic when 'the giver' was older in Korean translation. The act of parents was translated to an honorific form if parents were 'givers' regardless of whether a listener was an internal character or an external character in parent-child relationships. The degree of politeness was different in English translation when the 'Kureru type' verbs were used for asking a favor request command. 'Please' was used more for 'Kudasaru' than 'Kureru'. An aspect of translation in accordance with 'the object of movement' could be summarized as follows: The 'Kureru type' verbs were used as main verbs. 'Kureru' and 'Kudasaru' were translated to 'Juda' 'Jusida' in Korean translation, but they were translated to various vocabulary words in accordance with the characteristic of 'the object of movement' and were translated to imply a specific act, the process of possession and the result of possession in English translation. The 'Kureru type' verbs were also used as auxiliary verbs. The translated vocabulary words for Korean translation and English translation were different in accordance with whether the movement of things other than the movement of act was included or not. Examples were translated predominantly to expressions of profit such as '-Jada' '-Dalla' '-Jusida' when there was a movement of act as well as specific things in Korean translation. Also, some examples were translated to expressions of profit when there was the movement of act with an abstract matter and there was only the act of the object of movement, but many examples were translated to the act of first verbs. Examples were translated predominantly to the act of first verbs when there was the movement which included specific things and abstract matters or there was only the movement of act in English translation. Expressions of asking a favor request such as 'Kureru' and 'Kudasaru' were translated to '-Dalla' '-Juseyo' in Korean translation, but they were translated to expressions which specify an act while focusing on the structure of sentences or the function of language, such as 'must', 'ask', 'wish', 'would', and 'would like to' 'please' in English translation.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.93-127
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• 2002

This paper deals with a class of Middle English impersonal constructions that involve verbs of two-place argument structure. As is generally understood, the term 'impersonal' is notoriously murky, and after all those researches that have been performed in this area, quite a few issues still remain controversial. The issues we center around in the present study concern the following two. In the type of impersonal constructions we consider, the two arguments-Cause and Experiencer-are both expressed in oblique case, posing the problem of determining which of them functions as the grammatical subject. The issue, however. is not how an argument in oblique case can be taken as the subject: it is well blown that the so called 'dative subject Experiencer' already occurred in Old English. The real issue is why both of the arguments are syntactically realized as nonnominative. The other issue concerns the 3rd-person singular form of the verb. Here again, the crux of the problem may be blurred by the fact that impersonal construction is often defined as one in which the verb has 3rd-person singular form with no apparent nominative W controlling verb concord. But this definition is more nebulous than clear because the notion 'subjectless' is itself highly controversial. Thus, for an expression like me thinketh that-S, it may well be that the verb thinketh ('seems') is 3rd-person singular because the that-clause is the subject. What should be explained of the data brought up here is why the impersonal verb is 3rd-person singular when neither of the NPs associated with it is 3rd person or singular. I argue that we can account for our paradigm examples by looking upon them as 'mixed construction' in which semantic interpretation conflicts with syntactic parsing as a result of case syncretism and gradual establishment of SVO word order. This amounts to saying that the peculiarities of the construction originate with the confused use of impersonal verbs between the sense of 'give an impression' and that of 'receive and impression.'

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.31
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• pp.371-394
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• 2013

This study aims to know word forms and usages according to personal relationships of 'Kureru Kudasaru' by analyzing dialogues of female speakers. Novels of the Meiji period when there were attempts of a language revolution were mainly used for this study as well as novels of the Edo Period and the Taisho Period. Firstly, the number of examples according to gender differences in the novels was as follows. In case of 'Kureru', female speakers showed a high usage rate in the novels of the Edo period. 'Kureru' was mostly connected with female languages such as 'Naharu', 'Namasu', 'Nansu'. These expressions were not used in the novels of the Meiji Period and the Taisho Period. Although 'Okureru' and 'Okurenasaru' were used in the novels of the Meiji Period, the number of examples of 'Kureru' by female speakers was decreased in the novels of the Meiji Period and the Taisho Period. 'Kudasaru' was predominantly used by female speakers. Especially, female speakers used clearly to show vertical relationships in the novels of the Edo Period and"Doseishoseikatagi"of Meiji 10s. After"Ukigumo", the usage rate of female speakers was decreased but the usage rate of male speakers was increased. Gender differences became gradually smaller. Female speakers in the novels were increased from geisha and relatives such as wife, sister, mother and children to young women, teacher and student. Aspects of benefactive verbs' usages could be summarized as follows. Female speakers at licensed quarters used clearer and more typical expressions according to vertical relationships and gender differences in the novels of The Edo Period than the novels of The Meiji Period and the Taisho Period. In the novels of the Meiji Period, female speakers in a sophisticated social group used benefactive verbs to show strong respect and concern for the other person. In the novels of the Taisho Period, female speakers used benefactive verbs to show respect and concern for the other person according to their areas of outside activities. In the novels of the Meiji Period, female speakers used 'Okureru' when the other person was younger than them and was socially and psychologically close to them. Also, 'O~Nasaru' which was one of respect expressions was used by female speakers. Female speakers used it to older people in the Edo period but they also used it to younger people in the Meiji Period. Examples were not shown in the novels of the Taisho Period. Usages of 'Kureru' 'Kudasaru' according to vertical relationships were as follows. If 'a giver' was an older person, 'Kureru' with respect expressions 'Nasaru' 'Nansu' 'Namasu' was used more than 'Kudasaru' in the novels of the Edo Period. However, many examples of 'Kudasaru' were shown on the novels of the Meiji Period and the Taisho period. In the novels of the Meiji Period, 'Okureru' and 'Okurenasaru' which were expressions included in 'Kureru' were shown. Female speakers used them to older people who were socially and psychologically close to them like family. There were not many examples of 'a giver' and 'a receiver' around the same age. However, 'Kureru' and 'Okureru' were used in a younger group and 'Kudasaru' was used in an older group in the novels of the Meiji Period. If 'a giver' was an younger person, 'Kureru' was mainly used in the novels of the Edo period and "Doseishoseikatagi"in Meiji 10s. However, 'Kudasaru' was used many times in the novels of the latter Meiji Period and the Taisho Period.