• Journal of Software Assessment and Valuation
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.59-73
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• 2021

Recently, artificial intelligence has spread rapidly and popularized and expanded to the voice recognition personal service sector, and major countries have established artificial intelligence promotion strategies, but in the case of South Korea's defense domain, its influence is low with a geopolitical location with North Korea. This paper presents a total of six strategies for promoting South Korea's defense artificial intelligence, including establishing roadmaps, securing manpower, installing the artificial intelligence base, and strengthening cooperation among stakeholders in order to increase the impact of South Korea's defense artificial intelligence and successfully promote artificial intelligence. These suggestions are expected to establish the foundation for expanding the base of artificial intelligence.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.39-44
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• 2022

The advent, course, and possible consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic are now the focus of global attention. From whichever side the geopolitical centers of influence might view it, the problem of the coronavirus concerns all world leaders and the representatives of all branches of science, especially physicians, economists, and politicians - virtually the entire population of the planet. The uniqueness of the COVID-19 phenomenon lies in the uncertainty of the problem itself, the peculiarities and specifics of the course of the biological processes in modern conditions, as well as the sharp confrontation of the main political players on the world stage. Based on an analysis of scientific research, the article describes the profile of the emotional concept of "anxiety" in Russian linguoculture. Through monitoring the headlines of Russian media reports in the "COVID-19" section of Google News and Mail News news aggregators dated August 4-6, 2021, the study establishes the quantitative and qualitative characteristics of the alarm-generating news products on coronavirus in the Russian segment of the Internet and interprets the specifics of media information about COVID-19. The level of mass media criticism in Russia is determined through a phone survey. It is concluded that coronavirus reports in online media conceptualize anxiety about the SARS virus and the COVID-19 disease as a complex cognitive structure. The media abuse the trick of "magic numbers" and emotionally expressive words in news headlines, which are perceived by mass information consumers first and typically uncritically.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War was a "three-layer compounded war" between the US and Russia, Russia and Ukraine, and Ukrainian government forces and rebels. First, the war is a phenomenon that occurred when the western sphere of influence seeking to maintain and strengthen the liberal international order and the Sino-Russian sphere of influence seeking a new alternative order collided in Ukraine, a geopolitical fault zone. Second, this war is the result of a typical 'security dilemma' phenomenon caused by the 'chain reaction' game of NATO's continuous expansion and Russia's response. Third, the Russia-Ukraine war was caused by the Russian military projection to prevent the military restoration of Donbas region by Ukraine. Until now, the Western world, led by the US, showed unexpected solidarity after the war despite subtle differences in positions. However, the non-Western world, including China, is not participating in the condemnation and sanctions against Russia. This war will be an important turning point in the existence and change of the current international order that has been formed and is operating since the end of the Cold War. The direction of maintenance/restoration, revision/change, and end/transformation of the current international order is highly likely to be determined depending on the development pattern and method of ending the war.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.7
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• pp.206-212
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• 2022

Strengthening global geopolitical instability in the world leads to an aggravation of international conflicts; it destabilizes the domestic political situation in countries, violates the rights and freedoms of man and citizen, and also activates economic crime. The full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine and the deployment of military operations in a large territory of a sovereign country have created a number of destabilizing factors in the development of digital technologies and negatively affect the state and trends of digital marketing, which allows establishing interaction with a wide audience and facilitating the search for new customers in various places. The purpose of the research lies in substantiating the theoretical and applied principles for studying the features of digital marketing in the conditions of wartime posture in Ukraine. In the course of the research, general and special methods of economic analysis have been used and applied, namely: analysis and synthesis; analogies and comparisons; generalization and systematization; graphic and tabular methods. Regarding the results of the research of digital marketing in the conditions of wartime posture in Ukraine, it has been established that the intensification of the development of digital marketing is caused by the crisis phenomena of social-economic, social-political and military nature, as well as exacerbated by the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic. It has been proven that highly developed countries use innovative digital technologies more effectively in the field of marketing, which indicates the importance of the Multidimensional Index of Digitization (the USA - MID: 0,92-0,92; the UK - MID: 0,80-0,97; Japan - MID: 0,80-0,88; Canada - MID: 0,78-0,81; Germany - MID: 0,78-0,88; France - MID: 0,72-0,76), however, the developing countries record much lower values (Ukraine - MID: 0,22-0,48). Accordingly, the level of cybersecurity in highly developed countries is also significantly higher than in transitive countries, in particular, in the United States (GCI: 0,919-0,999); Great Britain (GCI: 0,783-0,995); Canada (GCI: 0,818-0,978) and in Ukraine (GCI: 0,501-0,661).

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2023.05a
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• pp.245-245
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• 2023

This paper examines the extent to which the Mekong River Basin countries have achieved socioeconomic benefits based on regional cooperation through the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Program, focusing on hydropower development and the Mekong Power Grid. This study pays attention to the time period from 2012 to 2022. The benefit sharing approach is employed to evaluate the extent to which hydropower development and the Mekong Power Grid have contributed to the regional energy trade in the GMS program. The GMS program was launched by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in 1992, and the Chinese provinces of Yunnan and Guangxi, Myanmar, Lao PDR, Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam have taken an active part in the program. The goals of the GMS program are to achieve poverty alleviation, economic development, and regional cooperation in various sectors, including energy, tourism, and transportation. The GMS Economic Cooperation Program Strategic Framework 2030 (GMS-2030), in 2021, provides a new framework for prosperous and sustainable development in the river basin. In the energy sector, the GMS program has been instrumental in facilitating hydropower development and creating the Mekong Power Grid with the Regional Grid Code (RGC), contributing to economic benefits and promoting regional trade of hydroelectricity. It is argued that the GMS program has enhanced regional cooperation between the riparian countries. Despite such achievements, the GMS program has faced challenges, including the gap of economic development between the riparian countries, socioeconomic and environmental concerns regarding hydropower development between the Upper and Lower Mekong countries, and geopolitical tensions from the US-China rivalry. These challenges should adequately be addressed within the program, which can guarantee the sustainability of the program for the river basin.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.89-108
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• 2023

Science, technology and innovation (STI) has expanded the activity of actors from the traditional physical territory to the cyberspace. Data-driven platform services and markets advance new discussions on cross-border cooperation and cyber security, as well as discourse on sovereignty in cyberspace. These changes are also affecting the hegemony competition between the US and China. In particular, competition for aid to developing countries that are located along major resource transportation routes, such as natural gas and deep sea resources, is fierce. ASEAN is not only a geopolitical military and security point where the US and China powers collide, but its population of 600 million has great potential for the development of the digital economy due to its data resources. In this regard, this article aims to connect the discourse of liberalism and authoritarianism with data regulation and cybersecurity in international development cooperation, and derive implications for ASEAN integration through this. This study has significance as a convergence study that links international political issues related to big data in terms of global governance.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.26 no.6
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• pp.41-60
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• 2022

Purpose - The policy implications of free trade agreements have traditionally been a matter of debate among economists. The official signing of the Korea-China Free Trade Agreement provides economists with a quasi-natural experiment to analyze the FTA's policy effects. This article aims to more accurately understand the impact of Korea's FTA accession on the macro economy. Design/methodology - This study adopts the counterfactual method based on panel data to find common factors in the generation process of macro data to fit the counterfactual path, to accurately evaluate the effect of the macro policy. Findings - Our research results show that the signing of the Korea-China FTA has a relatively significant short-term positive effect on Korea's economic growth. On average, Korea's real GDP growth rate has increased by 2.1%. This study finds evidence in support of FTA signing not having a significant impact on Korea's GDP growth in the long run. Additionally, we evaluated the impact of the FTA on Korea's imports and exports and found that it had a significant positive impact in the short term, but the trade effect of the FTA is significantly affected by the external macro-environment. Originality/value - First, this study uses macro panel data at the national level to examine the impact of the Korea-China FTA on Korea, and more accurately describes the policy effect of the FTA. Second, our empirical results show that the Korea-China FTA policy impact is subject to occasional changes in the external environment, such as the geopolitical conflict (crisis) between Korea and China, and the US-China trade war. Finally, the analysis shows that the short-term effect of FTA is significant but the long-term is uncertain, which provides empirical evidence for the debate on whether joining FTA can promote national economic growth.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.177-198
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• 2009

How are we approach the fourteenth chapter of Ulysses known as 'The Oxen of the Sun' in this globalized age of hyper-theorization? My paper argues that examining the wide reverberations set off by Derrida's comment in "Ulysses Gramophone"-"Everything has already happened to us with Ulysses"-in relation to the central textual theme of cosmopolitanism may provide a reading that not only pays due respect to the critical legacy of the early structuralist interpretations but equally takes into account the political sensibilities of our time. The neologism 'chaosmopolitanism,'in fact, serves as that very critical measure designed to bridge the gap separating the long tradition of Western Eurocentric discourse on cosmopolitanism on the one hand and the geopolitical background conditioning its discursive possibility, namely, the chaotic condition of international colonialism on the other, whose exemplary, and exemplarily creative, fusion bears none other name than Ulysses. But the idea of chaosmopolitanism gains its conceptual leverage on yet another, no less pivotal register, for, just as with Derrida's first-person plural pronoun, the trope leads us to reflect on our own situatedness in the East Asian region in light of Joyce's unabashedly universalist vision, whose over-arching textual purview nonetheless leaves the space called the Far East in the singular position of virtual exclusion. What does it then mean to enjoy Joyce's "chaffering allincluding most farraginous chronicle" in light of our East Asian perspective? To this second question, my inquiry turns to the dual theme of enjoyment and debt as they are problematized by Stephen Dedalus' telegram to Mulligan, which reads, "the sentimentalist is he who would enjoy without incurring the immense debtorship for a thing done." Itself a quotation from George Meredith's novel The Ordeal of Richard Feverel, the transcribed message invites us to reconsider the scrupulous endeavor underwriting Joyce's signatory gusto, but at the same time forcing us to confront and reassess our own debt to the problematic heritage known as Western literature or, to borrow Derrida's expression, Abrahamic language.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.517-538
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• 2009

This study explores the possibility of finding intersections of commonness and differences between Mahasweta Devi's short stories, "The Hunt" and "Douloti the Bountiful" and Angela Carter's "Flesh and the Mirror" and "Master" in Fireworks. At appearance, Carter as a writer of Great Britains and Devi as a writer of India in postcolonial period do not seem to share any commonness. This study, however, tried to find "common differences," to quote Chandra Mohanty's terminology, as a basis of solidarity possible between these two different feminist writers. Another concept appropriated in this process of comparing Carter and Devi is Gayatri Spivak's 'planetary comparative literature,' which contends the necessity of critical regional studies and the study of Asian Literature in the study of English literature. Devi and Carter, despite their historical, geopolitical and racial differences, share commonness in depicting Asian or colonized women not only as the oppressed others but also as the subjects who show potential for resistance and independence. Carter portrays Japanese women as the colonized and oppressed others of Japanese society, even though Japan did not have any colonial history. Devi finds in the postcolonial Indian women both the oppressed in the interstice of colonial/postcolonial/patriarchal Indian history and the potential for resistance. Despite some limitation in her understanding of Asia, Carter shows her insight to accept Asia as a true origin of her self-knowledge and performativity of her woman's role. Despite their differences, these two writers use Freud's 'unheimlich' from the feminist point of view, in general. Devi's depiction of the heroine's dead body at the end of the story implicates the possibility of resistance through women's 'uncanny' bodies. Carter converts Freudian and negative connotation of woman's body into positive and comfortable 'home' as a starting point of her self knowledge.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.