• Title/Summary/Keyword: Foreign policy

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A Survey Research on Attracting Foreign Technology Professionals and Policy Recommendations (해외기술인력 유치 활성화를 위한 조사연구)

  • 이광철;전용욱;백성진
    • Journal of Technology Innovation
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    • v.13 no.3
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    • pp.257-287
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    • 2005
  • The purpose of this paper is to develop a desirable government policy for attracting highly skilled professional foreign human resources. To achieve the purpose, following research methods were pursued; 1) a review on the current status of government policy on highly qualified foreign professionals, 2) case studies on foreign governments' policy on the issue, 3) a survey over Korean firms which are employing foreign high-tech professionals. Based on above research results, policy suggestions for the Korean government are recommended as follows: formulating a basic framework of the government policy to attract foreign high-tech professionals, revising the nonimmigrant visa policy for foreign professionals, collecting and distributing personnel data of foreign applicants for jobs In Korea, developing external and internal public relations, revising the method of supporting small and medium-sized firms, taking a systematic approach to attract korean-American scientists, redesigning sponsorship programs for inviting world famous scholars and scientists, increasing global joint research projects, facilitating favorable infrastructure for foreign engineers and scientists.

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Congressional Caucus and Foreign Policy: A Study of the Korea Caucus in U.S. Congress (의회 조직과 외교 정책: 미국 의회 코리아 코커스 사례를 중심으로)

  • Seo, Jungkun;Lee, Gah Yong
    • American Studies
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    • v.44 no.2
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    • pp.35-65
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    • 2021
  • U.S. lawmakers tend to organize sub-party groups focusing on regions, ideologies, policies, and foreign affairs. Examples include the conservative Freedom Caucus loyal to Trump and the Congressional Black Caucus promoting the interests of African Americans. Then how do these legislative groups affect the making of U.S. foreign policy? Paying special attention to the Korea caucus in U.S. Congress, we have analyzed the sources and processes of congressional caucus and foreign policy and have learned that structures and activities of the caucuses differ from one another. The Korea caucus seems to be a bipartisan group that focuses on issues such as trade, travel, and troubles provoked by Pyongyang. However, the Korea caucus is not really a solid voting bloc for policy alternatives; it is instead more of a constituency-oriented legislative group that prioritizes local interests. This research underscores the need for systematic and comprehensive study of U.S. legislative politics and foreign policy.

An Empirical Study on the Impact of the Policy Lags and Policy Direction in the FDI inflow (외국인직접투자 유치정책의 정책시차 및 정책방향에 관한 연구)

  • Ji, Young-Han
    • International Commerce and Information Review
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    • v.16 no.3
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    • pp.183-202
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    • 2014
  • The time-lag effect of the policy was analyzed focusing on the financial subsidies which are the incentive for attracting the foreign direct investment for the Korean industries from 2007 to 2012. The analysis results show that Korea's policy for attracting the foreign direct investment has the time leg of 2 or 3 years after the implementation of the policy. If the goal is to attract the foreign investment or introduce the advanced industrial technologies, the tax reduction system would be better. However, if the goal is to get the short term effects such as job creation or regional development, the direct subsidy or the financial support (financing) or the lexicographic characteristics of the policy for foreign investment would be more effective for attracting the foreign investment. Accordingly, the Korea's policy for attracting the foreign direct investment should be focused on the realistic policies such as direct subsidies or financial support (financing) rather than the tax reduction system.

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A study for the refusing enforcement on Foreign Arbitral Awards - Focus on the International Public Policy - (외국중재판정의 승인거부사유에 관한 연구 -공서양속에 관한 논의를 중심으로-)

  • Park, Jong-Don
    • International Commerce and Information Review
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    • v.8 no.1
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    • pp.357-369
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    • 2006
  • All over the country tries to clarify the content of 'Public Policy' in recognition and implementation of Foreign Arbitral Awards : it makes comments of the international consensus of Geneva Convention(1927), New York Convention(1958) and the UNCITRAL Model Law on Public Policy, and it takes a general view of domestic laws how they deal with Public policy and Foreign Arbitral Awards. Foreign Arbitral Awards should be appropriately respected and implementation by the courts of countries encourage parties in a legal procedure to refuse enforcement by invoking "Public Policy." In order to cope with such invocations, the purport of the above recommendation on Foreign Arbitral Awards should be internationally recognized and the exceptional circumstances should be restricted unless the International Court of Arbitral Awards is not established a Dr. Holtzmann/Schwebel brought forward. In this paper suggests the list of the exceptional circumstances. Korean Arbitration Law stipulates as the Civil proceeding Law did, "good morals and the social order of the Republic of Korea" as a ground for refusing enforcement of Arbitral Awards. Studies on counteraction against invocations of Public Policy to refuse enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards should be developed.

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U.S. Monetary Policy and Investor Reactions: Korean Evidence (미국의 통화정책과 국내 주식 투자자의 반응)

  • Jongho Park
    • Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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    • v.13 no.4
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    • pp.135-149
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    • 2022
  • Purpose - The primary objective of this article is to investigate the impact of U.S. monetary policy on institutional / individual / foreign investor reactions in the Korean stock market. Design/methodology/approach - This study employs a high frequency event study methodology to identify U.S. monetary policy shocks and quantify the impact of identified shocks on investor reactions. The dependent variable in the regression model is net stock purchase, while the explanatory variables are U.S. monetary policy shocks. The model is estimated for the period 2000-2019, including 156 FOMC meetings. Findings - Foreign investors immediately sell stocks in response to contractionary U.S. monetary shocks. They do not, however, react to anticipated changes in monetary policy rates, confirming the rationality of foreign investors. Individual investors demonstrate the opposite response, indicating that a non-trivial proportion of individual investors are irrational. Research implications or Originality - This study adds to the current literature on the effect of U.S. monetary policy on the Korean stock market. This study demonstrates a heterogeneous response to U.S. monetary policy shocks, validating the rational investment behavior of foreign investors, while individual investors exhibit a certain degree of irrationality. Methodologically, this study adds to the literature by quantifying the impact of U.S. monetary policy employing a sharper identification method allowing a simple and consistent estimation.

The Empire of Japan’s Foreign Policy

  • Feigenblatt, Otto F. von
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.17-26
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    • 2016
  • The present research applies the Theory of Harmony through Holistic Engagement to the foreign policy of Japan. As the third largest economy in the world and one of the most highly developed countries in the world, Japan is a major international power. Most analysts interpret Japan’s foreign policy through the lenses of realist, exceptionalist, or liberal institutionalist approaches. All the previously mentioned approaches tend to be based on etic studies conducted from the point of view of outsiders. The present interpretation of Japanese foreign policy applies an emic model based on primary sources from the Greater East Asian region and concludes that the Model of Harmony through Holistic Engagement shows considerable explanatory traction in interpreting the direction and development of Japanese foreign policy, in particular in the last two to three decades.

FTA Voting in the U.S. House of Representatives and Presidential Foreign Policy: In Cases of the U.S.-Morocco FTA, U.S.-Bahrain FTA, and U.S.-Oman FTA (미국 하원 FTA 표결과 대통령 외교정책: 미국-모로코, 미국-바레인, 미국-오만 FTA 사례를 중심으로)

  • Choi, Minjin
    • American Studies
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.57-97
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    • 2019
  • This study seeks to reveal why the U.S. House Democrats showed different levels of support in the voting of the U.S.-Morocco FTA, U.S.-Bahrain FTA, and U.S.-Oman FTA. Existing studies focusing on the constituency or members' ideology do not properly account for the variance of these three FTA voting results. All of these FTAs, however, were promoted as a part of the president's foreign policies. If so, FTA support in Congress could depend on representatives' evaluation of the presidential foreign policy. Based on this, the study analyzes how representatives' evaluation of President Bush's foreign policy changed according to the period of the three FTA votes. The vote on the FTAs has been influenced by their evaluation of the presidential foreign and national security policies.

China's Diplomatic Challenges and Prospect in the Xi Jinping Era (시진핑 시대 중국의 외교적 과제와 전망)

  • Cho, Young Nam
    • Strategy21
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    • s.33
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    • pp.5-36
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    • 2014
  • This article aims to analyze the diplomatic challenges currently facing China as well as the foreign policy the Xi Jinping administration is adopting to address them. With these purposes in mind, it will look into three areas: first, diplomatic tasks confronting the Xi leadership; second, foreign policy that the Xi administration has implemented since the 18th Party Congress in 2012; and third, the prospects for China's foreign policy under the Xi leadership. As the Xi Jinping administration entered into office, it has encountered two major diplomatic challenges. One is the searching for a new foreign policy, and the other the restructuring of the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. The Xi administration, during its first year in office, has responded actively to tackle these issues. To begin with, it has attempted to make some adjustments on foreign policy while maintaining the Deng Xiaoping line of foreign policy. One of these modifications is placing emphasis on national "core interest," as illustrated by changes in guideline for maritime conflicts, pushing for building maritime power, and proclamation of Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea. Second is the decision on the new guideline for peripheral diplomacy. That is, the administration regarded creating peaceful and stable environments to realize "Chinese Dream" as an important goal of foreign policy, and proposed such new guiding ideology as "familiarity, integrity, benefit, and accommodation." In additoin, the Xi administration restructured the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. Establishing the Central State Security Committee and the Internet Leading Small Group (LSG) are cases in point. As comprehensive organizations for policy coordination that encompass party, government, and military, the two LSGs are in charge of enacting related policies and fine-tuning policy implementation, based upon leadership consisting of chiefs of each relevant organs. Moreover, since Xi himself became the chief of these two newly-found organs, the conditions under which these LSGs could demonstrate unified leadership and adjusting role in its implementation of military, diplomatic, and security policies were developed. The future Chinese diplomacy will be characterized with three main trends. First, peripheral diplomacy will be reinforced. The peripheral diplomacy has become far more important since the Work Conference on Peripheral Diplomacy in October 2013. Second, economic diplomacy will be strengthened with an eye on reducing the "China Threat Theory," which still exists in Asia. Third, the policies to isolate the Philippines and Japan will continue in regard to maritime disputes. All in all, Chinese diplomacy in the Xi Jinping era is likely to feature practical diplomacy which combines both hard and soft approaches to best realize Chinese national interest.

Environmental Foreign Policy as a Soft Power Instrument: Cases of China and India

  • Karakir, Irem Askar
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.5-26
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    • 2018
  • Joseph S. Nye defined soft power as the power of attraction to affect the behavior of other states through the use of non-coercive instruments including culture, political values and foreign policy. Over the last two decades, environmental issues have grown in importance on the international agenda and become critical components of states' foreign policy-making. This paper aims to analyze environmental foreign policy as a soft power instrument focusing on two major rising powers: China and India. Traditionally, China and India had been reluctant to make any commitments in the field. However, they have shown greater willingness to act in global environmental governance in the past decade. They started playing more active roles in global climate change negotiations and supported a number of initiatives. Their current rise in global environmental governance has even been praised by the international community as the Paris agreement case demonstrated. This study evaluates China's and India's recent efforts in global environmental governance with a focus on climate change negotiations linking their constructive position to their soft power potential. It is argued that environmental issues are used by these two states as foreign policy strategy to gain more influence in international politics. This study finds out that China's climate-related environmental diplomacy has been more ambitious than that of India and thus has been closer to fulfill its potential as a soft power asset.

The Effect of U.S. Protectionist Trade Policy on Foreign Ownership: A Study of Korea's Data Set

  • Jung, Hyun-Uk;Mun, Tae-Hyoung
    • Journal of Korea Trade
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    • v.23 no.7
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    • pp.83-95
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    • 2019
  • Purpose - This study analyzed the effect of the Trump Government's protectionist trade policies on foreign ownership. Specifically, this study empirically analyzes the hypothesis that foreign ownership will decrease after the Trump Government rather than before the Trump Government. Design/methodology - The hypothesis of this study is based on the expectation that US protection trade policy will negatively affect the profitability of Korean companies. The dependent variable in this study is the foreign ownership ratio, and the independent variable is a dummy variable representing before and after the Trump Government. Multiple regression analysis was performed, including the control variables suggested in previous studies related to foreign ownership. Findings - As a result, foreign ownership increased after the Trump Government rather than before the Trump Government. This study further analyzes whether the main variables affecting foreign investor's decision-making are differences before and after Trump Government. The export ratio, profitability and dividends did not differ before and after Trump Government. However, the level of information asymmetry decreased after the Trump Government than before the Trump Government. This suggests that US protection trade policies do not adversely affect the profitability of Korean companies. However, Korean firms are improving their information environment because US protectionist trade policies can lower profitability and negatively impact capital raising. In this regard, the foreign ownership ratio seems to differ before and after the Trump Government. Originality/value - This study contributes in that it presents data that US protectionist policies can affect Korean corporate governance. This study has implications from the short-term analysis of US protection trade policy.