• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.333-345
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• 2003

We conducted a survey on Japanese women's consciousness of food culture and their traditional food consumption by self filling-out questionnaire during January, 2000 for the period of a month, For the survey we selected 250 women residing in Kyoto, Japan. For the statistic work we used SAS package system, and t-test, $\cal{X}^2-test$ and Duncan's multiple range test were also used to verify the results significance. The purpose of this survey lies in gathering a basic data on the comparative direction of Korean and Japanese women's food culture in the future 1. Comparing the preferred food purchase place, In case of Korean women, traditional market was comparatively more preferred while Japanese women relatively preferred convenience store (p<0.001). 2. In case of Japanese women, they answered there is no difference from ordinary days on New Year's Day (71%) and Christmas (40%) while 38% answered they prepare food at home. 40% said they prepare food on parents-in-law's birthday, and 41% said no difference from ordinary days. 52% said they prepare food at home on husband's birthday. For their own birthday, 32% said yes to preparing food at home while 45% said no difference and 22.3% said eating out. For children's birthday 65% said preparing at home, 16.3% said no difference and 14.9% said eating out. 3. Comparing the conception on traditional food, Korean women answered 'complicated' (77%) most while 'simple' (5%) least, which indicates their demands for simplified recipes. In case of Japanese women, 'complicated' (44%) was most while 'scientific' (6%) was least which indicates their demands for scientific way of recipes. There were differences shown by age (p<0.001) and the older the more said 'simple' or 'logical' (p<0.01). 4. As the reason for the complicity of traditional food recipes, Koreans said 'too many hand skill' (60%) most while 'too many spices' (8%) least. For Japanese, 'various kind of the recipe' (55%) was most while 'too many hand skill' (7%) was least. There were significant differences shown by academic background (p<0.01) and income(p<0.01), and the lower the academic background, the more said 'too many spices' as the reason for the complicity in making traditional food. Generally, the lesser the income, the more tendency to say 'various kinds of the recipe'. 5. In case of Koreans, 'the recipe is difficult' (56%) was high while 'uninterested' (9%) was low in answer which showed differences by academic background (p<0.05), and in case of Japanese, 'no time to cook' (44%) was high while 'uninterested' (7%) was low. 6. The following is the reasons for choosing traditional food as a snack for children. In case of Koreans, they answered as 'traditional food' (34%), 'made from nutrious and quality materials' (27%), 'for education' (22%) and 'suites their taste' (17%) revealing 'traditional food' is highest. In case of Japanese, it was revealed in the order of 'made from nutrious and quality materials' (36.3%), 'traditional food' (25.2%), 'suites their taste' (22.6%), 'for education' (12.8%) and 7. Comparing the most important thing for the popularization of traditional food in the world, Koreans answered 'taste and nutrition' (45%) most while 'shape and color' (6%) least. In case of Japanese, 'taste and nutrition' (75%) was answered most while 'hygienic packaging' (4%) was least. Both considered 'taste and nutrition' as most important thing for the popularization of traditional food in the world. 8. In case of Koreans, they answered they learn how to make traditional food 'from mother' (47%), 'media' (18%), 'school' (15%), 'from mother-in-law' (14%), 'private cooking school' (4%) and 'close acquaintances' (2%). In case of Japanese, they said mostly learn 'from mother', but it was also shown that the lower the academic background the lesser the tendency of learning 'from mother' but 'from school' (p<0.001). 9. About the consumption of traditional fermented food, Koreans said they make kimchi (90%), pickled vegetables (39%), soy sauce (33%), bean paste (38%), salted fishery (12%) and traditional liquors (14%) at home while 67% for salted fishery and 48% for traditional liquors answered they buy rather than making at home. On the other hand, Japanese answered they mostly buy kimchi (60%), soy sauce (96%), bean paste(91%), natto(92%), salt fermented fish foods (77%) and traditional alcoholic beverage (88%) to eat. This difference was shown very distinct between Korean and Japanese women (p<0.001). 10. About the most important thing in food, Koreans answered in the order of 'liking and satisfaction' (33%), 'for health' (32%), 'for relieve hunger' (18%) and 'convenience' (17%). In case of Japanese, it was revealed in the order of 'for health' (61%), 'liking and satisfaction' (20%), 'to relieve hunger' (16%) and 'convenience' (3%). This shows that Japanese women take comparably more importance to health than Korean women. The conception of food was shown different between Korean and Japanese women (p<0.001), and Koreans showed level 4-5 of food culture while Japanese showed level 5.

• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.423-435
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• 1984

The reproductive cycle of the small filefish, Rudarius ercodes was investigated based on the annual variations of gonadosomatic index(GSI) and hepatosomatic index(HSI) by electronic and photic microscophy. The specimens used were collected at the coastal area of Benden island, Sizuokagen, Japan, from September 1982 to August 1983. GSI began to increase from March, starting season of longer daylength and higher water temperature, and reached the maximum value between June and August. It began to decrease from September with the lowest value appearing between November and February without any evident variation. The annual variations of HSI were not distinct in male filefish and were negatively related to GSI in female : HSI decreased in the summer season when the ovary was getting mature and reached the maximum in the winter season when the ovary was getting retrogressive. The ovary consisted of a pair of saccular structure with numerous ovarian sacs branched toward the median cavity. Oogonia divided and proliferated along the germinal epithelium of the ovarian sac. Young oocytes with basophile cytoplasm showed several scattering nucleoli along the nuclear membrane. when the oocytes growing to about 300 ${\mu}m$, nuclear membrane to disappear with nucleus migrating toward the animal pole. The regions of protoplasm were extremely confined within the animal hemisphere in which most of cytoplasms were filled with yolk materials and oil drops. After ovulation, residual follicles and growing oocytes remaining in the ovarian sacs degenerated. But perinucleatic young oocytes without follicles formed were not degenerated, and growing continuously still in the next year. Mitochondria and endoplasmic reticula in the cytoplasm remarkably increased with oocytes maturing and yolk accumulating. Those were considered to be functionally related to the yolk accumulation. Five or six layers of possible vitellogenin, oval-shaped disc structures with high electron density, appeared in the apex of follicular processes stretching to the microvilli pits of mature oocytes. Testis consisting of a pair of lobular structures in the right and left were united in the posterior seminal vesicle, Cortex of testis was composed of several seminiferous tubules, and medulla consisting of many sperm ducts connected with tubules. Steroid hormone-secreting cells with numerous endoplasmic reticula and large mitochondria of well developed cristae were recognized in the interstitial cells of the growing testis. Axial filament of spermatozoon invaginated deeply in the central cavity of the nucleus and the head formed U-shape with acrosome severely lacking, mitochondria formed large globular paranuclei at the posterior head, and microtubular axoneme of the tail represented 9+9+2 type. The annual reproductive cycles could be divided into five successive stages : growth(March to July), maturation(May to September), Spawning(mid May to early October) and resting stages(October to February). The spawning peak occurred from June to August.

• Korean Journal of Ichthyology
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.82-89
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• 2013

The spawning behavior, development of eggs and larvae of the Five striped damselfish, Abudefduf vaigiensis were studied. The Five striped damselfish were caught at Dolsan Island, Yeosusi, Jeollanamdo from May in 2011. As a result of observation, male fish attracted female after cleaning the rock. Female left after spawning and male protected their eggs until they had hatched out. The fertilized eggs were elliptical in shape (mean long diameter: 1.06 mm; mean short diameter: 0.55 mm) and transparent. Larvae hatched at 53 hrs after fertilization in $24.5{\sim}26.5^{\circ}C$(mean $25.0^{\circ}C$). The newly hatched larvae were 2.55~2.86 mm (mean 2.71 mm, n=10) in total length and their mouth and anus were already opened. They began to eat rotifer and transformed to postlarva stage. 3 days after hatching postlarva was measured 2.74~2.97mm(mean 2.84 mm, n=10) in total length. 10 days after hatching postlarva was measured 3.85~4.20mm(mean 4.00 mm, n=10) in total length with dosal fin rays IV-5; ventral fin rays I-3; caudal fin rays 1~2.

• Korean Journal of Ichthyology
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.120-128
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• 2024

In this study, the characteristics of the early life history were investigated for the Hypomesus nipponensis in the west coast Daeho Bay. Egg's were adhesive eggs that had the property of sinking in water in a circular shape. The size of mature eggs was 0.52~0.66 (average of 0.59±0.03, n=30) mm. The hatching time took 140 hours at a water temperature of 22~23℃. Immediately after hatching, the yolk sac larvae was 4.78~5.60 (average of 5.25±0.26, n=30) mm in total length, and the mouth and anus were not completely opened. On the 7 days after hatching, the preflexion larvae was 5.91~6.64 (6.32±0.21) mm in total length, and the mouth and anus were opened, and feeding activities were started. On the 25 days after hatching, the flexion larvae was 9.70~12.3 (10.2±0.63) mm in total length, and the end of the spine at the tail end began to bend upward. On the 42 days after hatching, the postflexion larvae was 14.1~18.8 (16.9±1.44) mm in total length, and the end of the spine at the tail was completely bent at 45°. On the 56 days after hatching, it reached the integer with 10 dorsal fins, 16 anal fins, 7 ventral fins, and 19 caudal fins. According to the study, there were spot-shaped melanophore vesicles under the pectoral fins during the incubation period, the different positions of the egg yolk compared to the battlefield, the deposition of melanophore vesicles on the back and under the body of the caudal part during the postflexion larvae period, and the absence of melanophore vesicles on the torso between the head and the starting point of the dorsal fin. It was distinguished from related species in that melanophore vesicles were deposited in one row from the back of the body to the caudal part during the juvenile period.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.