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A Case Study on the Development of Environment Friendly Citrus Farming in Jeju - Focusing on Graduate Farms of Korea National College of Agriculture and Fisheries (제주 친환경 감귤 농업 발전을 위한 사례연구 - 한농대 졸업생 농가를 중심으로 -)

  • Kang, S.K.;Kim, J.S.
    • Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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    • v.16 no.1
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    • pp.37-53
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    • 2014
  • The purpose of this research is to find what difficulties the agricultural successors, the Korea National College of Agriculture and Fisheries (KNCAF) graduates, face with in implementing eco-friendly agriculture in Jeju, and what solutions they can be provided with. This research, a case study on the basis of open-ended survey questions, has 6 cases out of 8 graduates who have or had implemented eco-friendly citrus farming. In Jeju, 24 graduates have involved in citrus farming. According to the case study, only one case was environment-friendly farming method at the pesticide-free level, and the others at organic farming level. All the cases have tried to alter main crops or to diversify management for coping with global climate change and market-opening. On analyzing operating cost to gain product of merchantable quality, it revealed that the environment-friendly farming method needs much more managing efforts than the conventional farming does. But to the contrary, the materials cost in the environment-friendly farming method was lower than in the conventional farming method. In the total production and the price, the environment-friendly farming was 20~50% lower and 10~50% higher than the conventional farming, respectively. Difficulties which the graduates confronted with in implementing the environment-friendly agriculture are as below. Firstly, many of the difficulties have resulted from lack of the environment-friendly farming techniques, and the high cost of farm scale improvement due to high price of land and topographical features of Jeju. Secondly, the agricultural successors, the KNCAF graduates, have trouble in obtaining approval of their parents to changeover from the conventional farming to the environment-friendly farming. Lastly, there is no advisory organizations and experts for environment-friendly farming in the given area. For shift to the environment-friendly farming, followings are needed. Agricultural Technology & Extension center, with cooperation of leading farms in environment-friendly farming, should have a key role in offering education and consults on the environment-friendly farming techniques. Also, this organization should inform rapidly the research results to the farmers, and their feed-back should be involved in the next research. Therefore, it is suggested that the forum called 'Environment-friendly Organic Farming Forum in Jeju' tentatively is organized.

Project of Improving Good Agriculture Practice and Income by Intergrated Agricultural Farming (미얀마 우수농산물 재배기술 전수사업)

  • Lee, Young-Cheul;Choi, Dong-Yong
    • Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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    • v.16 no.1
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    • pp.193-206
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    • 2014
  • The objectives of the project are to increase farmers' income through GAP and to reduce the loss of agricultural produce, for which the Korean partner takes a role of transferring needed technologies to the project site. To accomplish the project plan, it is set to implement the project with six components: construction of buildings, installation of agricultural facilities, establishment of demonstration farms, dispatching experts, conducting training program in Korea and provision of equipments. The Project Management Committee and the Project Implementation Team are consisted of Korean experts and senior officials from Department of Agriculture, Myanmar that managed the project systematically to ensure the success of the project. The process of the project are; the ceremony of laying the foundation and commencing the construction of training center in April, 2012. The Ribbon Cutting Ceremony for the completion of GAP Training Center was successfully held under PMC (MOAI, GAPI/ARDC) arrangement in SAl, Naypyitaw on June 17, 2012. The Chairman of GAPI, Dr. Sang Mu Lee, Director General U Kyaw Win of DOA, officials and staff members from Korea and Myanmar, teachers and students from SAl attended the ceremony. The team carried out an inspection and fixing donors' plates on donated project machineries, agro-equipments, vehicles, computers and printer, furniture, tools and so forth. Demonstration farm for paddy rice, fruits and vegetables was laid out in April, 2012. Twenty nine Korean rice varieties and many Korean vegetable varieties were introduced into GAP Project farm to check the suitability of the varieties under Myanmar growing conditions. Paddy was cultivated three times in DAR and twice in SAl. In June 2012, vinyl houses were started to be constructed for raising seedlings and finished in December 2012. Fruit orchard for mango, longan and dragon fruit was established in June, 2012. Vegetables were grown until successful harvest and the harvested produce was used for panel testing and distribution in January 2013. Machineries for postharvest handling systems were imported in November 2012. Setting the washing line for vegetables were finished and the system as run for testing in June 2013. New water tanks, pine lines, pump house and electricity were set up in October 2013.

A Study of Cultural Migration of Pungmul-gut - Focusing on a Pungmul-pae's Activity in Toronto, Canada - (풍물굿의 해외 문화이주 현상에 관한 연구 - 캐나다 토론토의 풍물패 활동을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Yon-Shik
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.41
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    • pp.353-380
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    • 2020
  • Samul nori/Pungmul-gut is the symbol of ethnic identity for the Koreans abroad. It is the representative diaspora musical genre which is performed many cultural events held by Koreans. It is, at the same time, a global music which is appreciated by not only the Koreans but also the foreigners. Many musical communities in various countries exhibit the cultural migration through the discourse of 'tradition/variation' and 'authenticity/hybridity' in the course of the acculturation and enculturation of samul nori/pungmul-gut. The pungmul-pae 'Bichoe June' active in Toronto, Canada was organized by a foreign performer. For the foreigners pungmul-gut is easy to access as a genre of world music. As a percussion ensemble, it is easy to learn for the foreigners. The pungmul-pae 'Bichoe June' is a 'music community' consist of the Koreans and foreigners. The band tries to preserve the traditionality and authenticity of the Korean music. There is no variation or hybridity in its music since the member still learns the authentic music through various available textbooks and internet sites. Through the participation of the Koreans and foreigners, the band stimulates the globalzation of the pungmul-gut. The enculturation of the pungmul-gut is exhibited in two performances held by the band. One was host by the Canadian progressive group and the other was by the Korean conservative community. The former understood the nature of pungmul-gut as the music of the common people. The latter, however, accepted the music as the representative traditional music but was not easy to enjoy the 'noisy' music. In other words, the positive/negative acceptance of the pungmul-gut depends of the ideological nature of the listeners rather than the ethnical nature.

Application of unmanned helicopter on pest management in rice cultivation (무인 항공기 이용 벼 병해충 방제기술 연구)

  • Park, K.H.;Kim, J.K.
    • Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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    • v.10 no.1
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    • pp.43-58
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    • 2008
  • This research was conducted to determine the alternative tool of chemical spray for rice cultivation using the unmanned helicopter(Yamaha, R-Max Type 2G-remote controlled system) at farmer's field in Korea. The unmanned helicopter tested was introduced form Japan. In Korea the application of chemicals by machine sprayer for pest management in rice cultivation has been ordinarily used at the farmer's level. However, it involved a relatively high cost and laborious for the small scale of cultivation per farm household. Farm population has been highly decreased to 7.5% in 2002 and the population is expected to rapidly reduce by 3.5% in 2012. In Japan, pest control depending on unmanned helicopter has been increased by leaps and bounds. This was due in part to the materialization of the low-cost production technology under agricultural policy and demand environmentally friendly farm products. The practicability of the unmanned helicopter in terms of super efficiency and effectiveness has been proven, and the farmers have understood that the unmanned helicopter is indispensable in the future farming system that they visualized. Also, the unmanned helicopter has been applied to rice, wheat, soybean, vegetables, fruit trees, pine trees for spraying chemicals and/or fertilizers in Japan Effect of disease control by unmanned helicopter was partially approved against rice blast and sheath blight. However, the result was not satisfactory due to the weather conditions and cultural practices. The spray density was also determined in this experiment at 0, 15, 30, and 60cm height from the paddy soil surface and there was 968 spots at 0cm, 1,560 spots at 15cm, 1,923 spots at 30cm, and 2,999 spots at 60cm height. However, no significant difference was found among the treatments. At the same time, there was no phytotoxicity observed under the chemical stray using this unmanned helicopter, nor the rice plant itself was damaged by the wind during the operation.

The Value of the Wonju Origol Nongyo (Agricultural Work Song) and Performance Content (원주오리골농요의 가치와 공연콘텐츠)

  • Lee, Chang-Sik
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.42
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    • pp.257-290
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    • 2021
  • The Wonju Nongyo (agricultural work song) is geographically classified as eastern minyo (folk song) which has many distinctive, regional features such as tunes, forms and the use of a melodic line. There has been growing attention to the transmission value of the nongyo including the Wonju Eorirang of the Wonju Origol Nongyo and its region of origin. The Wonju Nongyo is of great value and worthy of preservation in the western part of Gangwon Province. For this reason, it seems fairer to say that a focus should be directed towards establishing the identity of the song and increasing the contextualisation of transmission. At the same time, the preservation association's efforts in passing the traditional song down and education activities fairly deserve equal attention. In addition to the way the folk songs are handed down, a discussion on the facilitation of their use will be required. An in-depth discussion about the restoration and use of the song will be encouraged in a multifaceted manner. Unfortunately, few of the previous literatures on nongyo has gone so far as to investigate Arirang as a separate research topic. In fact, the Wonju Origol Nongyo should be viewed as an intangible cultural asset that paved the way for performance artistry of the Korean agricultural work songs to be seen at a national folk art festival. From the perspective of regional characteristics (traditionally termed "tori"), the Wonju Eorirang represents the cultural value of the manners and customs of our locals which constitute unwritten and neglected literary property and musicality of the song. Particularly, a more attention should be paid to making a record of woodcutters and diversity of farmers' small cooperative groups. The existence of the Wonju Eorirang indicates that the melodies to which the song are sung in Nongyo are of infinite variety. A minyo-singer unfolds various journeys of life through various modes and structure of epic chants, ranging from first encounter, love to marriage, realistic problems to relationship with husband's family and death. The epic chant of the Wonju Origol Nongyo contains a rich variety of regional sentiments about life. In particular, the epic chants of the Galtteukgisor and Ssoeltteukgisori are a genius example of sexual satire and a sense of humor. In the past, the agricultural work songs were rhythmic songs served to synchronize physical movements in groups, coordinating tasks in upland farming and rice paddy with the usage of catchy, repetitive verses easy to pass down. The Wonju Origol Nongyo is a precursor of the work songs which took the farming activities a notch higher to be part of the excitement and festivals. In the context of transmission, a festival serves to demonstrate the value of history and life. The value of the Wonju Eorirang should be appreciated and a concerted effort should be made to find a way to facilitate the transmission of the folk song. A folk-singer is a traditional oral poet and a storyteller of minyo and the forms and species of melody solely depend on the signer. The combination of performance and witticism is shown by the singer freely expressing himself. The Origol Nongyo symbolizes ethnic arts cleverly combining playful effects such as tune, rhythm and old agricultural work of the region. It is to be hoped that much of the efforts is directed to designating such folk songs as the archetype of a cultural heritage. In terms of the foundation on which the folk songs are transmitted, the usage(Performance Content) of a community would be an alternative.

A Case Study of Successful Strategy for Farm's Franchise Commercialization through Local Agricultural Products - Focusing on the case of Jung Donuts Co. Ltd., in Yeongju, Gyeongbuk - (지역농산물을 이용한 농촌프랜차이즈 사업화 성공 사례연구 - 경북 영주시 (주)정도너츠 사례를 중심으로 -)

  • Seo, Min-gyo;Hwang, Bo-Jun;Song, Ji-Hyeon
    • The Korean Journal of Franchise Management
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.1-24
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    • 2013
  • The purpose of this work is to analyze the case that Yeongju Municipality Government of Gyeongbuk and Jung Donuts Co., Ltd., a franchise company, activated local economy through Farm's Franchise Commercialization (FCC) and to establish the concept of FCC. As a food service franchise company, Jung Donuts specializes in making and selling glutinous rice donuts. In cooperation with Commodity Dept. of Yeongju Municipality Government, the company cultivates raw materials under contract. Such farm's franchise business has the following advantages: First, it is meaningful in the point that it contributes to opening a new market of local agricultural products in a stable way. In short, by using most agricultural products of Yeongju as raw materials, the business serves as a stable market for farmers. Secondly, it is possible to set a reasonable price through stable supply of raw materials. It is to advantages of both producers and consumers. Thirdly, the business brings about the effect of employment rise. It can cause increases in employment of franchise head office and its agencies, and of the Commodity Dept.. Lastly, it produces the promotion effect of local special products. By expanding its agencies across the country, a franchise business can promote the items of raw materials in terms of marketing. The successful FCC needs to meet three requirements as follows. The first one is to establish systematic logistic system. Stable logistic system is required in order to directly distribute and deliver products to nationwide agencies by a producing place. The second one is constant R&D activity. Through the activity of R&D of raw materials and equipment, they should be used most effectively. The third one is to build mutual trust relationship. For long-term business achievements, it is required to establish mutual trust relationship in which relevant entities share their visions with each other and cooperate with each other.

Comparison of Rice Growth and Yield in Different Direct Seeding Methods Following by Italian Ryegrass Harvest (사료작물 후작 벼 직파 방법별 생육 및 수량 비교)

  • Park, K.H.;Park, S.T.
    • Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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    • v.21 no.1
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    • pp.49-59
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    • 2019
  • The field trial was performed to evaluate the rice growth and yield in different direct seeding methods after Italian Ryegrass Harvest The required time for seed emergence was for 7 ~ 8days in the tested direct seeding methods and there was high in seedling establishment in order of wet hill-seeding with iron-coated seeds > water seeding with iron-coated seeds > wet hill-seeding with soil coverage with pregerminated seeds. The rice plant height was shorter in the tested direct seeding methods than that of machine transplanting until 45day after seeding but there was not significant difference in terms of statistical analysis at 63day after seeding. The growth of tiller number in the rice plant was high in water seeding with iron-coated seeds and wet hill-seeding with soil coverage and low in wet hill-seeding with iron-coated seeds compared to machine transplanting. The yield component in the tested direct seeding methods was not significant difference in terms of statistical analysis. The milled rice yield in the tested direct seeding methods was higher 2 ~ 8% being with 4.94 ~ 5.24t/ha than that of machine transplanting but there was not significant difference in terms of statistical analysis. The percentage of head rice was low in the tested direct seeding methods compared to machine transplanting. The weedy rice was not occurred in the tested rice cultivation methods. In conclusion the direct seeding method would be recommended to be a suitable to in following by Italian ryegrass harvesting in southern area of Korea in terms of reduction in production cost and high income basis for rice growing farmers.

Evaluation of K-Cabbage Model for Yield Prediction of Chinese Cabbage in Highland Areas (고랭지 배추 생산 예측을 위한 K-배추 모델 평가)

  • Seong Eun Lee;Hyun Hee Han;Kyung Hwan Moon;Dae Hyun Kim;Byung-Hyuk Kim;Sang Gyu Lee;Hee Ju Lee;Suhyun Ryu;Hyerim Lee;Joon Yong Shim;Yong Soon Shin;Mun Il Ahn;Hee Ae Lee
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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    • v.25 no.4
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    • pp.398-403
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    • 2023
  • Process-based K-cabbage model is based on physiological processes such as photosynthesis and phenology, making it possible to predict crop growth under different climate conditions that have never been experienced before. Current first-stage process-based models can be used to assess climate impact through yield prediction based on climate change scenarios, but no comparison has been performed between big data obtained from the main production area and model prediction so far. The aim of this study was to find out the direction of model improvement when using the current model for yield prediction. For this purpose, model performance evaluation was conducted based on data collected from farmers growing 'Chungwang' cabbage in Taebaek and Samcheok, the main producing areas of Chinese cabbage in highland region. The farms surveyed in this study had different cultivation methods in terms of planting date and soil water and nutrient management. The results showed that the potential biomass estimated using the K-cabbage model exceeded the observed values in all cases. Although predictions and observations at the time of harvest did not show a complete positive correlation due to limitations caused by the use of fresh weight in the model evaluation process (R2=0.74, RMSE=866.4), when fitting the model based on the values 2 weeks before harvest, the growth suitability index was different for each farm. These results are suggested to be due to differences in soil properties and management practices between farms. Therefore, to predict attainable yields taking into account differences in soil and management practices between farms, it is necessary to integrate dynamic soil nutrient and moisture modules into crop models, rather than using arbitrary growth suitability indices in current K-cabbage model.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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2007-2011 Characteristics of Plant Virus Infections on Crop Samples Submitted from Agricultural Places (2007-2011 우리나라 농업현장 임상진단 요청 작물의 바이러스 감염 특성)

  • Kim, Jeong-Soo;Lee, Su-Heon;Choi, Hong-Soo;Kim, Mi-Kyeong;Kwak, Hae-Ryun;Kim, Jeong-Sun;Nam, Moon;Cho, Jeom-Deog;Cho, In-Sook;Choi, Gug-Seoun
    • Research in Plant Disease
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    • v.18 no.4
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    • pp.277-289
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    • 2012
  • The total number of requests and associated specimens for the diagnosis of virus infection were 573 and 2,992, respectively, on crops from agricultural places of farmers, Agricultural extension services and so forth for 5 years from 2007. The total number of virus tests was 13,325. The number of species of viruses infected on the submitted crops was 21 in 2007, 15 in 2008, 23 in 2009, 21 in 2010 and 17 in 2011. The newly recorded viruses were Tobacco leaf curl virus (TbLCV) in 2007, Tomato yellow leaf curl virus (TYLCV) in 2008, Impatience necrotic spot virus (INSV) and Radish mosaic virus (RaMV) in 2009, and Beet western yellows virus (BWYV) in 2010. Forty virus species including Alfalfa mosaic virus were detected over 5 years. The ten most frequently detected virus species were Cucumber mosaic virus (CMV), Tomato spotted wilt virus (TSWV), Tomato leaf curl virus (TYLCV), Cucumber green mottle mosaic virus (CGMMV), Broad bean wilt virus 2 (BBWV2), Zucchini yellow mosaic virus (ZYMV), Melon necrotic spot virus (MNSV), Pepper mild mottle virus (PMMoV), Watermelon mosaic virus (WMV) and Pepper mottle virus (PepMoV). The types of crops submitted from agricultural places were 51 in total and the ten most frequently submitted crops were red pepper, tomato, paprika, watermelon, melon, rice, cucumber, corn, radish and gourd. The total request rate for the top 10 crops and top 20 crops was 81.6% and 94.2%, respectively. Eight pepper infecting virus species included CMV, and the average infection rate was 24.6% for CMV, 18.9% for PMMoV and 14.7% for TSWV. Seven kinds of double infection were detected in pepper including BBWV2+CMV at 14.7% on average, and four types of triple infection including BBWV2+CMV+PepMoV at 0.9% on average. Six virus species detected on tomato including TYLCV, and the average infection rate was 50.6% for TYLCV, 14.5% for TSWV and 10.9% for Tobacco leaf curl virus (TbLCV). The mixed infection of CMV+TSWV on tomato was 3.9% on average and of Tomato mosaic virus (ToMV)+TYLCV was 0.4% on average. Five viruses detected on watermelon included MNSV and the average infection rate was 37.0% for MNSV, 20.4% for CGMMV, 18.1% for ZYMV and 17.8% for WMV. The mixed infection rate on watermelon was CMV+MNSV and WMV+ZYMV having an average infection rate of 0.7% and 5.0%, respectively. The average infection rates on melon were 77.6% for MNSV, 5.6% for CMV and 3.3% for WMV. Mixed infections of CMV+MNSV occurred on melon with an average infection rate of 13.5%.