• The Korean Journal of Franchise Management
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-24
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• 2013

The purpose of this work is to analyze the case that Yeongju Municipality Government of Gyeongbuk and Jung Donuts Co., Ltd., a franchise company, activated local economy through Farm's Franchise Commercialization (FCC) and to establish the concept of FCC. As a food service franchise company, Jung Donuts specializes in making and selling glutinous rice donuts. In cooperation with Commodity Dept. of Yeongju Municipality Government, the company cultivates raw materials under contract. Such farm's franchise business has the following advantages: First, it is meaningful in the point that it contributes to opening a new market of local agricultural products in a stable way. In short, by using most agricultural products of Yeongju as raw materials, the business serves as a stable market for farmers. Secondly, it is possible to set a reasonable price through stable supply of raw materials. It is to advantages of both producers and consumers. Thirdly, the business brings about the effect of employment rise. It can cause increases in employment of franchise head office and its agencies, and of the Commodity Dept.. Lastly, it produces the promotion effect of local special products. By expanding its agencies across the country, a franchise business can promote the items of raw materials in terms of marketing. The successful FCC needs to meet three requirements as follows. The first one is to establish systematic logistic system. Stable logistic system is required in order to directly distribute and deliver products to nationwide agencies by a producing place. The second one is constant R&D activity. Through the activity of R&D of raw materials and equipment, they should be used most effectively. The third one is to build mutual trust relationship. For long-term business achievements, it is required to establish mutual trust relationship in which relevant entities share their visions with each other and cooperate with each other.

• Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.49-59
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• 2019

The field trial was performed to evaluate the rice growth and yield in different direct seeding methods after Italian Ryegrass Harvest The required time for seed emergence was for 7 ~ 8days in the tested direct seeding methods and there was high in seedling establishment in order of wet hill-seeding with iron-coated seeds > water seeding with iron-coated seeds > wet hill-seeding with soil coverage with pregerminated seeds. The rice plant height was shorter in the tested direct seeding methods than that of machine transplanting until 45day after seeding but there was not significant difference in terms of statistical analysis at 63day after seeding. The growth of tiller number in the rice plant was high in water seeding with iron-coated seeds and wet hill-seeding with soil coverage and low in wet hill-seeding with iron-coated seeds compared to machine transplanting. The yield component in the tested direct seeding methods was not significant difference in terms of statistical analysis. The milled rice yield in the tested direct seeding methods was higher 2 ~ 8% being with 4.94 ~ 5.24t/ha than that of machine transplanting but there was not significant difference in terms of statistical analysis. The percentage of head rice was low in the tested direct seeding methods compared to machine transplanting. The weedy rice was not occurred in the tested rice cultivation methods. In conclusion the direct seeding method would be recommended to be a suitable to in following by Italian ryegrass harvesting in southern area of Korea in terms of reduction in production cost and high income basis for rice growing farmers.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.398-403
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• 2023

Process-based K-cabbage model is based on physiological processes such as photosynthesis and phenology, making it possible to predict crop growth under different climate conditions that have never been experienced before. Current first-stage process-based models can be used to assess climate impact through yield prediction based on climate change scenarios, but no comparison has been performed between big data obtained from the main production area and model prediction so far. The aim of this study was to find out the direction of model improvement when using the current model for yield prediction. For this purpose, model performance evaluation was conducted based on data collected from farmers growing 'Chungwang' cabbage in Taebaek and Samcheok, the main producing areas of Chinese cabbage in highland region. The farms surveyed in this study had different cultivation methods in terms of planting date and soil water and nutrient management. The results showed that the potential biomass estimated using the K-cabbage model exceeded the observed values in all cases. Although predictions and observations at the time of harvest did not show a complete positive correlation due to limitations caused by the use of fresh weight in the model evaluation process (R²=0.74, RMSE=866.4), when fitting the model based on the values 2 weeks before harvest, the growth suitability index was different for each farm. These results are suggested to be due to differences in soil properties and management practices between farms. Therefore, to predict attainable yields taking into account differences in soil and management practices between farms, it is necessary to integrate dynamic soil nutrient and moisture modules into crop models, rather than using arbitrary growth suitability indices in current K-cabbage model.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• Research in Plant Disease
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.277-289
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• 2012

The total number of requests and associated specimens for the diagnosis of virus infection were 573 and 2,992, respectively, on crops from agricultural places of farmers, Agricultural extension services and so forth for 5 years from 2007. The total number of virus tests was 13,325. The number of species of viruses infected on the submitted crops was 21 in 2007, 15 in 2008, 23 in 2009, 21 in 2010 and 17 in 2011. The newly recorded viruses were Tobacco leaf curl virus (TbLCV) in 2007, Tomato yellow leaf curl virus (TYLCV) in 2008, Impatience necrotic spot virus (INSV) and Radish mosaic virus (RaMV) in 2009, and Beet western yellows virus (BWYV) in 2010. Forty virus species including Alfalfa mosaic virus were detected over 5 years. The ten most frequently detected virus species were Cucumber mosaic virus (CMV), Tomato spotted wilt virus (TSWV), Tomato leaf curl virus (TYLCV), Cucumber green mottle mosaic virus (CGMMV), Broad bean wilt virus 2 (BBWV2), Zucchini yellow mosaic virus (ZYMV), Melon necrotic spot virus (MNSV), Pepper mild mottle virus (PMMoV), Watermelon mosaic virus (WMV) and Pepper mottle virus (PepMoV). The types of crops submitted from agricultural places were 51 in total and the ten most frequently submitted crops were red pepper, tomato, paprika, watermelon, melon, rice, cucumber, corn, radish and gourd. The total request rate for the top 10 crops and top 20 crops was 81.6% and 94.2%, respectively. Eight pepper infecting virus species included CMV, and the average infection rate was 24.6% for CMV, 18.9% for PMMoV and 14.7% for TSWV. Seven kinds of double infection were detected in pepper including BBWV2+CMV at 14.7% on average, and four types of triple infection including BBWV2+CMV+PepMoV at 0.9% on average. Six virus species detected on tomato including TYLCV, and the average infection rate was 50.6% for TYLCV, 14.5% for TSWV and 10.9% for Tobacco leaf curl virus (TbLCV). The mixed infection of CMV+TSWV on tomato was 3.9% on average and of Tomato mosaic virus (ToMV)+TYLCV was 0.4% on average. Five viruses detected on watermelon included MNSV and the average infection rate was 37.0% for MNSV, 20.4% for CGMMV, 18.1% for ZYMV and 17.8% for WMV. The mixed infection rate on watermelon was CMV+MNSV and WMV+ZYMV having an average infection rate of 0.7% and 5.0%, respectively. The average infection rates on melon were 77.6% for MNSV, 5.6% for CMV and 3.3% for WMV. Mixed infections of CMV+MNSV occurred on melon with an average infection rate of 13.5%.

• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.219-228
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• 2018

This study was conducted twice to investigate egg purchase behavior and perception on animal welfare of Korean consumers. This study included women, who were the main decision makers and caretakers in the household, and men with one-person household. This survey was conducted with by the Computer Assisted Web Interview and Gang Survey methods. On the key considerations factor, the highest response rate was considered to be 'price', and the response rate of considering 'packing date' increased in the second survey. At a reasonable price based on 10 eggs, the response rate was the highest at 53.8% and 42.9% in both the first and second surveys and the appropriate price averages were 2,482 won and 2,132 won, respectively. The highest rate of purchase of egg consumers from 'Large Mart' followed by 'Medium sized supermarket' and 'Chain supermarket'. As for the awareness about animal welfare, the recognition ratio (73.5%) was higher in the result of the second survey than the first. The cognitive period of animal welfare was 59.0% before the insecticide egg crisis and 41.0% thereafter. Regarding whether or not they have ever seen an animal welfare certification mark and an animal welfare animal farm certification mark, 59.6% of respondents said that they saw it for the first time and 37.6% answered that they knew the animal welfare certification mark. On the animal welfare system, the 'free-range' response rate was the highest at 85.8%. The 'free-range' fit response decreased by 34.2%p, while the 'barn' and 'European type' fit response increased by 13.2%p and 24.1%p, respectively. The number of 'I have never seen' and 'I have ever eaten' responses to the recognition and eating experience of animal welfare certified eggs decreased while the number of those who answered 'Have ever seen' and 'Have eaten' increased. The answer of purchasing animal welfare certified eggs at department stores, organic farming cooperatives, and internet shopping malls was higher than that of buying conventional eggs. Of the total respondents, 92.0% were willing to purchase an animal welfare egg before the price was offered, but after offering the prices of animal welfare eggs, the intention to purchase was 62.7%, which was about 30%p lower than before. The reason for purchasing an animal welfare certified egg was the highest score of 71.0% for 'I think it is likely to be high in food safety', and 38.1% for 'I think the price is high' for lack of intention to purchase. In the sensory evaluation of animal welfare eggs, egg color and skin texture of conventional eggs were significantly higher than those of certified welfare eggs (P<0.05), and boiled eggs showed that egg whites of animal welfare certified eggs were more (P<0.05). As a result, the results of this study will contribute to the activation of the animal welfare certification system for laying hens by providing basic data on consumer awareness to animal welfare certified farmers.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.181-195
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• 2005

To study the effects of aquaculture activity of marine cage fish farms on marine environment, field researches including hydrography, sediment, benthos and trap experiment at the marine cage fish farms(Site A) around estuaries of Tongyeong city were carried out during June $26\~27$, 2003. A simulation using numerical model-DEPOMOD was conducted to predict the solid deposition from fish cage and to assess the probable solid deposition, and the efficiency of environmental management of marine cage fish farms was studied. The marine cage fish farms cultured mainly common sea bass (Lateolabrax japonicus), red seabream (Pagrus major), striped breakperch (Oplegnathus fasciatus) and black rockfish(Sebastes schlegeli), and total amount of cultured fish of the Site A were 23.1MT. The amount of husbandry fish by unit area(and volume) of the fish cage was $43.0kg\;m^{-2}(6.1kg\;m^{-3})$. The daily mean amounts of food fed by unit biomass and cage area were $30.8g\;kg^{-1}day^{-1},\;1.32kg\;m^{-2}day^{-1},$ respectively, at the Site A. The concentration of ORP of the sediment below the center at the Site A was -334.6 mV and the concentrations of AVS, COD, Carbon and Nitrogen were $0.43mg\;g^{-1}dry,\;17.75mg\;g^{-1}dry,\;10.19mg\;g^{-1}dry\;and\;3.49mg\;g^{-1}dry$, respectively. Capitella capitata was dominant benthic species which occupied $57.8\%$ of total species, and the Infaunal Trophical Index(ITI) was marked below 20 within 20 m distance from the edge of the Site A. The result of trap experiment, the solid deposition from the Site A was $34,485g\;m^{-2}yr^{-1}$ at 0 m from the center of the cage and $18,915g\;m^{-2}yr^{-1}$ at 42 m. From a model simulation, it was estimated that using a model simulation, the proportion of unfed food was $40\%$ at the Site A and the annual total amount of solid deposition was 63,401 accounting for $24.4\%$ of the annual total food fed at the Site A. The area solid deposition settled was estimated to be $8,450m^2$, which was about 16 times of the total area of fish cage at the Site A. And concerning ITI and abundance of benthos, the model predicted that sustainable solid flux at the Site A was below $10,000gm^{-2}yr^{-1}$. The percentage of food wasted was main element of solid deposition at the marine cage fish farms, and for minimizing solid deposition it is necessary to increase the efficiency of the food uptake. Based on the result of the model simulation, if the percentage of food wasted decreases to $10\%$ from the current $40\%$, then the solid deposition could decrease to a half. In addition, it was predicted that if farmers use EP pellets as food fed instead of MP and fish trash, solid deposition could decrease by $57\%$. Also this study proposes that the cage facility ratio of the licensed area be decreased to less than $5\%$ to minimize the sediment pollution.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.119-133
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• 2011

Sulfonylurea (SU)-resistant weeds include seven annual weeds such as Monochoria vaginalis, Scirpus juncoides and Cyperus difformis, etc., and three perennial weeds of Scirpus planiculmis, Sagittaria pigmaea and Eleocharis acicularis as of 2010 since identification Monochoria korsakowii in the reclaimed rice field in 1998. The Echinochloa oryzoides resistant to acetyl CoA carboxylase (ACCase) and acetolactate synthase (ALS) inhibitors has been confirmed in wet-direct seeding rice field of the southern province, Korea in 2009. In the beginning of occurrence of SU-resistant weeds the M. vaginalis, S. juncoides and C. difformis were rapidly and individually spreaded in different fields, however, theses resistant weeds have been occurring simultaneously in the same filed as time goes by. The resistant biotype by weed species demonstrated about 10- to 1,000-fold resistance, base on $GR_{50}$ (50% growth reduction) values of the SU herbicides tested. And the resistant biotype of E. oryzoides to cyhalofop-butyl, pyriminobac-methyl, and penoxsulam was about 14, 8, and 11 times more resistant than the susceptible biotype base on $GR_{50}$ values. In history of paddy herbicides in Korea, the introduction of SU herbicides including besulfuron-metyl and pyrazosulfuron-ethyl that control many troublesome weeds at low use rates and provide excellent crop safety gave farmers and many workers for herbicide business refreshing jolt. The products and applied area of SU-included herbicides have been rapidly increased, and have accounted for about 69% and 96%, respectively, in Korea. The top ten herbicides by applied area were composed of all SU-included herbicides by 2003. The concentrated and successive treatment of ACCase and ALS inhibitors for control of barnyardgrass in direct-seeded rice led up to the resistance of E. oryzoides. Also, SU-herbicides like pyrazosulfuron-ethyl and imazosulfuron which are effective to barnyardgrass can be bound up with the resistance of E. oryzoides. The ALS activity isolated from the resistant biotype of M. korsakowii to SU-herbicides tested was less sensitive than that of susceptible biotype. The concentration of herbicide required for 50% inhibition of ALS activity ($I_{50}$) of the SU-resistant M. korsakowii was 14- to 76-fold higher as compared to the susceptible biotype. No differences were observed in the rates of [$^{14}C$]bensulfuron uptake and translocation. ALS genes from M. vaginalis resistant and susceptible biotypes against SU-herbicides revealed a single amino acid substitution of proline (CCT), at 197th position based on the M. korsakowii ALS sequence numbering, to serin (TCT) in conserved domain A of the gene. Carfentrazone-ethyl and pyrazolate were used mainly to control SU-resistant M. vaginalis by 2006, the early period, in Korea. However, the alternative herbicides such as benzobicyclone, to be possible to control simultaneously the several resistant weeds, have been developing and using broadly because the several resistant weeds have been occurring simultaneously in the same filed. The top ten herbicides by applied area in Korea have been occupied by products of 3-way mixture type including herbicides with alternative mode of action for the herbicide resistant weeds. Mefenacet, fentrazamide and cafenstrole had excellent controlling effects on the ACCase and ALS inhibitors resistant when they were applied within 2 leaf stage.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.83-121
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• 2004

This study was carried out to examine how solid the production foundation of rice in Chung-Nam Province is, and, if not, to probe alternative measures through the size of farms specializing in rice, of which direction would be a pivot of rice industry-oriented policy. The results obtained can be summarized as follows : 1. The amount of rice production in Chung-Nam Province is highest in Korea and the size of paddy field area is the second largest : This implying that the probability that rice production in Chung-Nam Province would be severely influenced by a global trend of market conditions. The number of farms specializing in rice becoming the core group of rice farming account for 7.7 percent of the total number of farm household in Korea. Average field area financial support which had been input to farm household by Government had a noticeable effect on the improvement of the policy of farm-size program. 2. Farm-size program in Chung-Nam Province established from 1980 to 2002 in creased the cultivation size of paddy field to 19,484 hectares, and this program enhanced the buying and selling of farmland and the number of farmland bargain reached 6,431 household and 16,517 hectares, respectively, in 1995-2002. Meanwhile, long-term letting and hiring of farmland appeared so active that the bargain acreage reached 6,970 hectares, and farm involved was 7,059 households, however, the farm-exchange-and-unity program did not satisfy our expectation, because the retirement farm operators reluctantly participated to sell their farms. Another reason that had delayed the bargain of farms rested on the general category of social complication attendant upon the exchange and unity operation for scattered farm. Such difficulties would work negative effects out to carry on the target of farm-size work in general. 3. The following measures were presented to propel the farm-size promotion program : a. Occupation shift project, followed by the social security program for retirement and elderly farm operators, should be promptly established and also a number of types of incentives for promoting the letting and hiring work and farm-exchange-and-unity program would also be set up. b. To establish the effective key system of rice production, all the farm operators should increase the unit area yield of rice and lower the production cost. To do so, a great deal of production teams of rice equipped with managerial techniques and capabilities need to be organized. And, also, there should be appropriate arrays of facilities including information system. This plan is desirable to be in line with a diversity of the structural implement of regional integration based on farm system building. c. To extend the size of farm and to improve farm management, we have to devise the enlargement of individual size of farm for maximized management and the utilization of farm-size grouping method. In conclusion, it can be said that the farm-size project in Chung-Nam Province which has continued since the 1980s was satisfactorily achieved. However, we still have a lot of problems to be solved to break down the barrier for attainment of the desirable farm-size operation work.. Farm-size project has fairly close relation with farm specialization in rice and, thus, the positive support for farm household including the integrated program for both retirement farmers and off-farm operators should be considered to pursue the progressive development of the farm-size program, which is key means to successful achievement of rice farming enforcement in Chung-Nam Province.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.166-182
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• 1994

Kyonggi Province in the late Chosun dynasty was a center of superior government offices including 'Han' River water-road transportation and was located in the middle of an 'X'-shaped arterial road network. Because of these reasons, Kyonggi Province had a faster inflow of commodities, informations and technics compared with the other province. At this period of time, every local 'Eup' (name of administrative district) had not been affected by their above administrative districts and had their own autonomy. For this reason, every 'Eup' could be developed as a town, even if its size was small when it had sufficient internal growing conditions. Moreover, the markets ('Si-Jon') in big towns and periodical markets which were spread over the Kyonggi Province played role of commercial functions of town. And because military bases for the defence of the royal capital in Kyonggi Province also took parts of a non-agricultural city role, Xyonggi Provinc had much more possibilities of growing as a town rather than the other provinces. The towns of the late Chosun Dynasty were, except the capital and superior administrative districts which were governed by the 'You-Su', small towns which had only about 3, 000-5, 000 people. Most of the town dewellers were local officials, nobles, merchants, craftmen and slaves. And the farmers who lived near town became a pseudo-towner through suburb agriculture. Among these people, the merchants were leaders of townization. The downtowns were affected by the landform and traffic roads. The most fundamental function of towns were administrative. The opcial's grade, which was dispatched to the local administrative district ('Kun' or 'Hyun'), was decided by the size of population and agricultural land of each county. Large county which was governed by a high ranking opcial had more possibilities to develop as a large town. Because they supervised other opcials of lower rank and obtained more land and population for the town. The phonomena of farm abandonment after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592-1598 stimulated the development of towns for commercial function. The commercial functions of towns were evident in the Si-Jon or Nan-Jon (names of markets) in the big cities such as Hansung and Kaesung, meanffwhile in the local areas it was emerged in the shape of periodical market networks as allied with near markets (which were called as Jang-Si) or permanent markets which were grown up from periodical markets. These facts of commercial development induced the birth of commercial town. Kyonggi Province showed the weak points of its defense system during both wars (Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Manchu's Invasion in 1636). The government reinforced its defense system by adding 4 'You-Su-Bus' and several military bases. Each local districts ('Eup'), where Geo-Jins were established, were stimulated to be a town while Jin-Kwan system were, adjusted and enforced. Among Dok-Jins(name of solitary military bases), Youngjongjin was grown up as a large garrison town which only played a role of defense. The number of towns that took roles of non-agricultural functions in Kyonggi Province was 52. Among these towns, 29 were developed as big towns which had above 3, 000 people and most of these towns were located on the northwest-southeast axes of 'X'-shaped arterial trafic network in the Chosn Dynasty, This fact points out that the traffic road is one of the important causes of the development of towns. When we make hierarchy of the towns of Kyonggi Province according to its population and how many functions it had, we can make it as 6 grades. The virst grade town 'Hansung' was the biggest central town of administration, commerce and defdnse. The 2nd grade town includes 'Kaesung' which had historical inertia that it had been the capital of the Koryo Dynesty. The 3rd grade towns include some 'You- Su-Bus' such as Soowon, Kanghwa, Kwangju and also include Mapo, Yongsan and from this we can imagine that the commercial development in the late Chosun Dynasty extremely affected the townization. The 4th-6th grade towns had smiliar population but it can be discriminated by how many town functions it had. So the 4th grade towns were the core of administration, commerce and defense function. 5th grade towns had administrative functions and one of commercial and defense functions. 6th grade towns had only one of these functions. When we research and town conditions of each grades as the ratio of non-agricultural population, we can find out that the towns from the 1st grade to 4th grade show difference by degree of townization but from the 4th grade to 6th grade towns do not show big difference in general.