• Korea Journal of Hospital Management
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.78-86
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• 2018

Purposes: This study identifies local Chinese consumers' standard for selecting medical care provider and their standard for choosing medical staff, as well as their expectations and concerns regarding Korean medical care providers. Methodology: A survey was conducted in China, to identify Chinese medical care consumers' standards for selecting a medical provider and the factors that influence their use of general hospitals. A total of 1,500 people across three cities, between the ages 18 and 60 participated in the survey. Moreover, a multiple logistic regression analysis was used to analyze the factors that affect Chinese medical care consumers' use of general hospitals. Findings: A total of 75.5 percent respondents chose general hospitals as their most frequently-used medical provider. Those who have health insurance, visit general hospitals as outpatients or are hospitalized more frequently than those who do not have a health insurance. Furthermore, those who have private insurance visit general hospitals as outpatients or are hospitalized more frequently than those who are not signed up for private insurance. Major standards for selecting a hospital included: the doctor's skills, word-of-mouth regarding the hospital, and distance to the hospital from the respondents' home. Standards for choosing medical personnel included word-of-mouth regarding the medical team, recommendations from family members or acquaintances, and medical team's notoriety. Friends and neighbors, family members, television and other media outlets were the channels for acquiring information on a hospital. It was found that Chinese people mostly visit the cardiovascular department of Korean hospitals for treatment. For using Korean hospitals in China, the majority of respondents answered that they were concerned about the cost. Practical Implications: Backed by highly skilled medical experts and cutting-edge technology, Korean medical care providers are attempting to enter China's medical care market. To succeed in China's medical care market, it is vital to conduct a clear and precise analysis.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.16 no.9
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• pp.3981-3990
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• 2015

Background: Breast cancer is the most common type of cancer in Jordan. Current efforts are focused on annual campaigns aimed at increasing awareness about breast cancer and encouraging women to conduct mammogram screening. In the absence of regular systematic screening for breast cancer in Jordan, there is a need to evaluate current mammography screening uptake and its predictors, assess women's knowledge and attitudes towards breast cancer and screening mammograms and to identify barriers to this preventive service. Materials and Methods: This cross-sectional study was conducted in six governorates in Jordan through face-to-face interviews on a random sample of women aged 40 to 69 years. Results: A total of 507 participants with mean age of $46.8{\pm}7.8$ years were interviewed. There was low participation rate in early detection of breast cancer practices. Breast self-examination, doctor examination and periodic mammography screening were reported by 34.9%, 16.8% and 8.6% of study participants, respectively. Additionally 3.8% underwent breast cancer screening at least once but not periodically, while 87.6% had never undergone mammography screening. Reported reasons for conducting the screening were: perceived benefit (50%); family history of breast cancer (23.1%); perceived severity (21.2%); and advice from friend or family member (5.8%). City residents have shown higher probability of undergoing mammogram than those who live in towns or villages. Results revealed negative perceptions and limited knowledge of study participants on breast cancer and breast cancer screening. The most commonly reported barriers for women who never underwent screening were: fear of results (63.8%); no support from surrounding environment (59.7); cost of the test (53.4%); and religious belief, i.e. Qadaa Wa Qadar (51.1%). Conclusions: In the absence of regular systematic screening for breast cancer in Jordan, the uptake of this preventive service is very low. It is essential for the country of Jordan to work on applying regular systematic mammography screening for breast cancer. Additionally, there is a need for improvement in the current health promotion programmes targeting breast cancer screening. Other areas that could be targeted in future initiatives in this field include access to screening in rural areas and removal of current barriers.

• Journal of Korean society of Dental Hygiene
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• v.14 no.6
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• pp.805-812
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• 2014

Objectives: The purpose of the study was to examine the association between diabetes mellitus and community periodontal index in Korean adults. Methods: The study populations were recruited by the Fifth Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. Study subjects were 10,411 who were examined oral examination, blood test, and aged over 19 years. Using multiple logistic regression analyses, the variables were adjusted for gender, age, household income, family history of diabetes, body mess index, smoking habit, and frequency of tooth brushing. Periodontal tissue examination of the subjects was performed and scored by Community periodontal index(CPI). Using probe, six teeth were examined for hemorrhage, plaque, and pocket depth and classified into $CPI_0$, $CPI_1$, $CPI_2$, $CPI_3$ and $CPI_4$. Healthy periodontal groups($CPI_{0-2}$) and periodontal disease groups($CPI_{3-4}$) were divided by the periodontal disease status. The definition of diabetes mellitus(DM) was decided by the diagnosis by the doctors and fasting blood sugar level. Those who were diagnosed as DM were included in DM group. The DM variables included normal blood sugar level, increased fasting blood sugar level, and DM blood sugar level. The DM variables were compared to periodontal disease blood sugar level and analyzed. Results: The periodontitis prevalence rate was 23.2%. Those who had diabetes mellitus accounted for 5.5% of the subjects. Those who had impaired fasting glucose accounted for 17.7% and 7.9% of subjects were diabetes mellitus by blood test. In the confirmed diabetes group by doctor, the periodontitis prevalence rate was significantly higher than the non-diabetic group. Diabetic group by blood test had the highest prevalence rate of periodontitis than those who had impaired fasting glucose group or normal group. After adjusting for gender, age, household income, family history of diabetes, body mass index, smoking habit, and frequency of tooth brushing, the risk of periodontitis in diagnosed diabetes mellitus was 1.57 times(95% CI; 1.27-1.94) higher than the normal group. In impaired fasting glucose group and diabetes mellitus group by blood test, the risk of periodontitis was 1.11 times(95% CI; 0.95-1.30) and 1.45 times(95% CI; 1.45-2.12) higher, respectively. Conclusions: There was a significant relationship between diabetes mellitus and periodontitis in Korean adults. These results suggest that diabetes mellitus is a risk factor for periodontitis.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.1
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• pp.40-64
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• 1980

The purpose of this study was to compare the different environment among the young children of large and small cities and rural areas in Korea, in order to know how these different environment have an effect on the children's intellectual and emotional development. For this subjects, 2,700 questionares with 51 items were distributed to the infants' mothers in each area to interview and answer. About 1,800 questionaires were gathered from 3 metropolitan, 6 cities and 6 rural areas in (each 2 farming, fishing and mining villages) The results of analyzing these questionaires were like following; 1. The average number of children of each family was 2.5 in large cities, 3.0 in small cities and 3.6 in the rural areas. 2. White about 75% of infants' parents of large cities graduated college education, only 6% of the rural parents did it. Most infants' parents of the rural areas have only graduated the elementary school. 3. About 90% of the rural, small and large cities family have had radios and T.V sets, and 90% of infants watched T.V program for 2 hours a day in average. 4. While about 50% of large cities' young children were not reared by their mother's milk but by milk and other foods, about 95% of rural infants by breasting mills. 5. Young children of large cities were wearing about 5 months earlier than those of the rural. 6. While 20% children of cities were taught in the kindergarten, most children of the rural areas could not be taught in the kindergarten. 7. About 45% young children of the rural areas and cities were understood and taught reading, writing letters and numbers by their parents, brothers and sisters before entering primary school. 8. While 50% young children of large cities have had pianos and were taught music in kindergarten or piano tutor's, most of the rural areas have not had pianos and could not be taught music. 9. Most children's favorite music songs were T.V signals or C.M songs in both the rural and cities. 10. While most children of cities have had lots of children's pictures or fairy tale books. most infants of the rural areas have had nothing or a few. 11. As lots of infants could not find their pleasure resorts of sport tools outside, they used to play in side streets or publicroads with their friends. 12. While most infant's parents in cities wanted to make their infants lawyer or medicine doctor, most parents in rural areas wanted to make their children teacher or technician. 13. About a half of Korean infants have had their own rooms or have lived in it together with their brother or sister. In conclusion, as children of large cities have had more various kinds of cultural circumstances than the rural areas in aspects of cultural institutions' tools and environment of their parents' education, books, toys, pleasure resorts and their own rooms, the intellectual development of the former could be considered to surpass those of the latter. In other words, the average IQ points of urban's young children are 10 point higher than those of the rural areas, which means the better circumstance would affect the infant's intellectual development. Therefore, the government must support to make good circumstances of the children in the rural areas.

• 한국노년학
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.855-869
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to identify how to efficiently integrate long-term care facilities into geriatric hospitals. We conducted a survey on the current operations of facilities and medical services of 2009 of 192 long-term facilities and 168 geriatric hospitals in Korea between October and November. Technical statistics and chi-square test were conducted on the collected data using the SPSS 13.0/Win program. There was a difference between the two facility types in terms of the co-payment levels of the food services. Both types selected the budget deficit as their major management problem. Ease of access and the surrounding environment were critical factors used to select the location of both types of facilities. Facility users benefited from the discounted co-payments of both facility types. However, facility users wanted more frequent visits and support from their family members during their stay at the facilities. It was discovered that users in the long-term care facilities stayed longer, that is until they died, compared to their counterparts in geriatric hospitals. The two types of facilities provided their services totally separately to users. Users of the two types of facilities are poorly supported and cared for by their families. This study suggests that setting reasonable service fees, paying caretakers, introducing an integrated facility, strengthening facility assessment standards, introducing the family doctor system, and introducing the handling of long-term care insurance by geriatric hospitals would allow the integration between long- term care facilities and geriatric hospitals to be beneficial.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.69-82
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• 2022

Shin Hong-gyun was born on August 20, 1881. The second son of Shin Tae-geom (申泰儉) in Sangsang-ri, Sinbukcheong-myeon, Bukcheong-gun,Hamgyeongnam-do. His family had been practicing East Asian medicine as a family business. At that time, the families of East Asian doctors who passed the general examination of the Joseon Dynasty had been continuing the East Asian medicine business from generation to generation. Starting with exile in North Gando in 1911, he was located in Wangga-dong, 17 Doo-gu, Changbaek-hyeon. In 1915, he met General Choi Un-san in Bongo-dong, treated the soldiers suffering from cellulitis, and participated in the training process to prepare for the upcoming anti-Japanese war. However, because of a growing difference of opinion with General Choi Woon-san, Shin Hong-gyun left Bono-dong after a year and mets Sorae Kim Jung-geon and joined the founding of Wonjonggyo and Daejindan, an anti-Japanese armed group. It is said that Shin Hong-gyun established many schools in Korean villages destroyed by the Gyeongshin disaster and 14 schools were established under the names of Wonjonggyo and Daejin. After the Japanese established the puppet Manchukuo in 1931, the Manchurian Defense Forces were formed. Koreans and Chinese immigrants to Manchuria worked together to carry out a joint Korean-Chinese anti-Japanese operation towards the Japanese Empire. In 1933, 50 of the Daejindan members joined the Korean Independence Army, and among them, Shin Hong-gyun began to work as a medical doctor in earnest. During an ambush in Daejeonryeong Valley, he could not get a proper meal and, to make matters worse, got wet in the rainy season, so the situation was a challenge in various ways. At this time, Shin Hong-gyun showed his knowledge of herbal medicine, picked black wood ear mushrooms that grew wild in the mountains, washed them in rain water, and provided food to the independence fighters and relieved them of hunger. After the Battle of Daejeon-ryeong, the Japanese army's suppression of the independence forces intensified, and most of the independence fighters escaped from the Chinese army's encirclement and were scattered. Ahn Tae-jin and others led the remaining units and continued the anti-Japanese armed struggle in the forest areas of Yeongan, Aekmok, Mokneung, and Milsan.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.111-132
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• 2001

This study was conducted to examine the therapeutic compliance and its related factors in rural women with osteoporosis. A questionnaire survey was performed from April to May in 2000 for 140 osteoporotic patients who were diagnosed from April to June in 1999 through community health program. The study employed the health belief model for predicting and explaining sick role behavior. The analysis techniques employed included contingency table analysis and path analysis using LISREL. The major results of this study were as follows: Of the subjects, 12.1% were continuously complaint, 53.6% were intermittently compliant, and 34.3% were non- compliant to calcium supplement therapy. As the result of path analysis, the therapeutic compliance was significantly higher(${\mid}T{\mid}$ >2.0) as patients had higher perceived severity of disease, lower perceived barriers of treatment, and when patients thought their disease status as severe. As the patients had higher educational level, more experience of mass media contact or health education about osteoporosis, and when family had more concern for patient treatment, they had higher perceived susceptibility of complication(bone fracture)${\mid}T{\mid}$ >2.0). The patients had higher perceived severity(${\mid}T{\mid}$ >2.0) as they had more educational level, more advice for treatment from their doctors, and when family had more concern for their treatment. As the patients had more advice for treatment from their doctors and when family had more concern for their treatment, they had higher perceived benefit of treatment and lower perceived barriers to treatment(${\mid}T{\mid}$ >2.0). In order to improve the therapeutic compliance in rural osteoporotic women, it would be necessary that the patient should recognize their disease severity properly. And the perceived barriers should be removed through supportive environments for osteoporosis treatment such as doctor 's more advice and family 's more concern for treatment. In addition, effective and continuous management system for osteoporotic patients should be established.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.29 no.1 s.52
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• pp.79-90
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• 1996

The purpose of the study was to determine factors influencing compliance with anti-tuberculosis therapy. The study subjects were 104 tuberculosis patients who have received the initial treatment in 3 health centers of Kyongju-City, Dalseong-Gun in Teagu and Kumi-City. Data were collected between September and October 1995. The patients were classified into the improved group and the non-improved group according to outcomes of 3 month treatment with short-term therapeutic regimen. To find factors influencing compliance with anti-tuberculosis therapy, multiple logistic regression was made. There was no significant differences between the improved group and the non-improved group in sex, age, education level, occupation, family pattern, and habitual change regarding smoking and drinking. The level of knowledge about anti-tuberculosis therapy in the improved group was significantly higher than the non-improved group(p<0.01). Multiple logistic regression analysis revealed that family support for not forgetting medication (p<0.05) wis a predictor of improvement and knowledge about anti-tuberculosis therapy(p=0.054), regularity of medication(p=0.062), and consultation to family, doctor and nurse(p=0.075) were marginal predictors of improvement. Treatment must be given to every patient confirmed as having tuberculosis and must be given free of charge to the patients. The requirements for adequate chemotherapy are prescribed in the correct dosage and taken regularly by the patient for a sufficient period to prevent relapse of the disease after cure. It is suggested that education to the patients should be reinforced and connectedness between patients and tuberculosis control workers and family should be solidated.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.