• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.155-166
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• 2000

When the marcher visited Korea in fall 1994, he was shocked to see high rise apartment buildings around the capitol region including Seoul and Suwon, resulting from rising demand of housing because of urban migration followed by second and third industrial development. After 6 years in March 2000, the researcher witnessed more apartment buildings and vinyl house complexes, one of the evidences of continued economic progress in Korea. Korea had to receive the rescue finance from International Monetary Fund (IMF) because of financial crisis in 1997. However, the sign of recovery was seen in a year, and the growth rate of Gross Domestic Products (GDP) in 1999 recorded as high as 10.7 percent. During this period, the Korean government has been working on restructuring of banks, enterprises, labour and public sectors. The major directions of government were; localization, reducing administrative manpower, limiting agricultural budgets, privatization of public enterprises, integration of agricultural organization, and easing of various regulations. Thus, the power of central government shifted to local government resulting in a power increase for city mayors and county chiefs. Agricultural extension services was one of targets of government restructuring, transferred to local governments from central government. At the same time, the number of extension offices was reduced by 64 percent, extension personnel reduced by 24 percent, and extension budgets reduced. During the process of restructuring, the basic direction of extension services was set by central Rural Development Administration Personnel management, technology development and supports were transferred to provincial Rural Development Administrations, and operational responsibilities transferred to city/county governments. Agricultural extension services at the local levels changed the name to Agricultural Technology Extension Center, established under jurisdiction of city mayor or county chief. The function of technology development works were added, at the same time reducing the number of educators for agriculture and rural life. As a result of observations of rural areas and agricultural extension services at various levels, functional responsibilities of extension were not well recognized throughout the central, provincial, and local levels. Central agricultural extension services should be more concerned about effective rural development by monitoring provincial and local level extension activities more throughly. At county level extension services, it may be desirable to add a research function to reflect local agricultural technological needs. Sometimes, adding administrative tasks for extension educators may be helpful far farmers. However, tasks such as inspection and investigation should be avoided, since it may hinder the effectiveness of extension educational activities. It appeared that major contents of the agricultural extension service in Korea were focused on saving agricultural materials, developing new agricultural technology, enhancing agricultural export, increasing production and establishing market oriented farming. However these kinds of efforts may lead to non-sustainable agriculture. It would be better to put more emphasis on sustainable agriculture in the future. Agricultural extension methods in Korea may be better classified into two approaches or functions; consultation function for advanced farmers and technology transfer or educational function for small farmers. Advanced farmers were more interested in technology and management information, while small farmers were more concerned about information for farm management directions and timely diffusion of agricultural technology information. Agricultural extension service should put more emphasis on small farmer groups and active participation of farmers in these groups. Providing information and moderate advice in selecting alternatives should be the major activities for consultation for advanced farmers, while problem solving processes may be the major educational function for small farmers. Systems such as internet and e-mail should be utilized for functions of information exchange. These activities may not be an easy task for decreased numbers of extension educators along with increased administrative tasks. It may be difficult to practice a one-to-one approach However group guidance may improve the task to a certain degree.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.62 no.1
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• pp.24-42
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• 1983

To develop Ilex cornuta which grow naturally in the southwest seaside district as new ornamental tree, the author chose I. cornuta growing in the four natural communities and those cultivated in Kwangju city as a sample, and investigated its ecology, morphology and characteristics. The results obtained was summarized as follows; 1) The natural distribution of I. cornuta marks $35^{\circ}$43'N and $126^{\circ}$44'E in the southwestern part of Korea and $33^{\circ}$20'N and $126^{\circ}$15'E in Jejoo island. This area has the following necessary conditions for Ilex cornuta: the annual average temperature is above $12^{\circ}C$, the coldness index below $-12.7^{\circ}C$, annual average relative humidity 75-80%, and the number of snow-covering days is 20-25 days, situated within 20km of from coastline and within, 100m above sea level and mainly at the foot of the mountain facing the southeast. 2) The vegetation in I. cornuta community can be divided that upper layer is composed of Pinus thunbergii and P. densiflora, middle layer of Eurya japonica var. montana, Ilex cornuta and Vaccinium bracteatum, and the ground vegetation is composed of Carex lanceolata and Arundinella hirta var. ciliare. The community has high species diversity which indicates it is at the stage of development. Although I. cornuta is a species of the southern type of temperate zone where coniferous tree or broad leaved, evergreen trees grow together, it occasionally grows in the subtropical zone. 3) Parent rock is gneiss or rhyolite etc., and soil is acidic (about pH 4.5-5.0) and the content of available phosphorus is low. 4) At maturity, the height growth averaged $10.48{\pm}0.23cm$ a year and the diameter growth 0.43 cm a year, and the annual ring was not clear. Mean leaf-number was 11.34. There are a significant positive correlation between twig-elongation and leaf-number. 5) One-year-old seedling grows up to 10.66 cm (max. 18.2 cm, min. 4.0 cm) in shoot-height, with its leaf number 12.1 (max. 18, min), its basal diameter 2.24 mm (max. 4.0 mm, min. 1.0 mm) and shows rhythmical growth in high temperature period. There were significant positive correlations between stalk-height and leaf-number, between stalk-height and basal-diameter, and between number and basal diameter. 6) The flowering time ranged from the end of April to the beginning of May, and the flower has tetra-merouscorella and corymb of yellowish green. It has a bisexual flower and dioecism with a sexual ratio 1:1. 7) The fruit, after fertilization, grows 0.87 cm long (0.61-1.31 cm) and 0.8 cm wide (0.62-1.05 cm) by the beginning of May. Fruits begin to turn red and continue to ripen until the end of October or the beginning of November and remain unfading until the end of following May. With the partial change in color of dark-brown at the beginning of the June fruits begin to fall, bur some remain even after three years. 8) The seed acquision ratio is 24.7% by weight, and the number of grains per fruit averages 3.9 and the seed weight per liter is 114.2 gram, while the average weight of 1,000 seeds is 24.56 grams. 9) Seeds after complete removal of sarcocarp, were buried under ground in a fixed temperature and humidity and they began to develop root in October, a year later and germinated in the next April. Under sunlight or drought, however, the dormant state may be continued.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.33-58
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• 1977

A bark comprises about 10 to 20 percents of a typical log by volume, and is generally considered as an unwanted residue rather than a potentially valuable resourses. As the world has been confronted with decreasing forest resources, natural resources pressure dictate that a bark should be a raw material instead of a waste. The utilization of the largely wasted bark of genus Pinus, Quercus, and Populus grown in Korea can be enhanced by learning its physical and mechanical properties. However, the study of tree bark grown in Korea have never been undertaken. In the present paper, an investigative study is carried out on the bark of three genus, eleven species representing not only the major bark trees but major species currently grown in Korea. For each species 20 trees were selected, at Suweon and Kwang-neung areas, on the same basis of the diameter class at the proper harvesting age. One $200cm^2$ segment of bark was obtained from each tree at brest height. Physical properties of bark studied are: bark density, moisture content of green bark (inner-, outer-, and total-bark), fiber saturation point, hysteresis loop, shrinkage, water absorption, specific heat, heat of wetting, thermal conductivity, thermal diffusivity, heat of combustion, and differential thermal analysis. The mechanical properties are studied on bending and compression strength (radial, longitudinal, and tangential). The results may be summarized as follows: 1. The oven-dry specific gravities differ between wood and bark, further more even for a given bark sample, the difference is obersved between inner and outer bark. 2. The oven-dry specific gravity of bark is higher than that of wood. This fact is attributed to the anatomical structure whose characters are manifested by higher content of sieve fiber and sclereids. 3. Except Pinus koraiensis, the oven-dry specific gravity of inner bark is higher than that of outer bark, which results from higher shrinkage of inner bark. 4. The moisture content of bark increases with direct proportion to the composition ratio of sieve components and decreases with higher percent of sclerenchyma and periderm tissues. 5. The possibility of determining fiber saturation point is suggested by the measuring the heat of wetting. With the proposed method, the fiber saturation point of Pinus densiflora lies between 26 and 28%, that of Quercus accutissima ranges from 24 to 28%. These results need be further examined by other methods. 6. Contrary to the behavior of wood, the bark shrinkage is the highest in radial direction and the lowest in longitudinal direction. Quercus serrata and Q. variabilis do not fall in this category. 7. Bark shows the same specific heat as wood, but the heat of wetting of bark is higher than that of wood. In heat conductivity, bark is lower than wood. From the measures of oven-dry specific gravity (${\rho}d$) and moisture fraction specific gravity (${\rho}m$) is devised the following regression equation upon which heat conductivity can be calculated. The calculated heat conductivity of bark is between $0.8{\times}10^{-4}$ and $1.6{\times}10^{-4}cal/cm-sec-deg$. $$K=4.631+11.408{\rho}d+7.628{\rho}m$$ 8. The bark heat diffusivity varies from $8.03{\times}10^{-4}$ to $4.46{\times}10^{-4}cm^2/sec$. From differential thermal analysis, wood shows a higher thermogram than bark under ignition point, but the tendency is reversed above ignition point. 9. The modulus of rupture for static bending strength of bark is proportional to the density of bark which in turn gives the following regression equation. M=243.78X-12.02 The compressive strength of bark is the highest in radial direction, contrary to the behavior of wood, and the compressive strength of longitudinal direction follows the tangential one in decreasing order.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 1973

The results of ground vegetation experiment conducted at completely denuded forestland in the mudstone region are summerized as follows: On the reaults of soiling quantity the effect of soiling was observed where depth of soiling over 10 cm was practiced, and a plot where treated with 15cm soiling and without fertilizer showed poor growth and it was even worser than the plot where soiling was practiced only 1 cm in thikness but applied adequate amount of fertilizers. The depth of slits between 30cm and 40cm showed no significant difference in the effect. A plot where covered with vegetation bag showed somewhat better results in seed loss and early growth but no differences observed in the fall result over the none covered plot. And then, it is recommendable to have soiling over 10cm in thikness with slit of 30cm and 30cm in depth and to apply 30 gram of fertilizer (22;22:11, 50 gram) per slit. On various soiling materials trial there were no striking differences in the effect of soiling between weathered granite soil, wheathered tuffs soil and weathered mudstone soil. In the treatment with various green materials, a plot treated with straw mat showed a significant difference at 1 percent. The results show that weathered mudstone soil is effective to use as soiling materials and straw mat treatment was better. On forest fertilization trial, in the mudstone region where red and black pine trees already existing at a rate of 2,000-3,000 trees per hectare had applied 110kg of compound fertilizers (9:12:3 and 22:22:11) per hectare basis in terms of plant nutrient. As a result, the difference in effect between the compound fertilizers was not found however the leaf color and leaf length of the fertilizer added plot showed darker and longer at 30 percent over the no fertilizer received plot. Compound fertilizers, 14:37:12 and 9:12:3 were applied to alder trees at a rate of 20 gram and 40 gram per tree in terms of plant nutrient and a remarkable growth accelerantion was observed where 40 grams of plant nutrient applied. The effect difference between the compound fertilizers was not found. On investigation of tree root elongation, forty years old red pine trees showed only 15cm tap root elongation through mudstone while black pine had 23 cm tap root elongation. The total length of supporting root elongtion of red and black pines showed 20 and 13 meters, respectively. The tap roots of Black locusts were not able to elongate through mudstone, however, the supporting roots tended to develop to the underneath of pine tree where some moisture content is available. Black locusts And grown on the residual soil of mudstone normally die between 8 to 10 years. The red pine trees show flat in tree shape while black pine had triangle in the shape. With the results it can be said that in an artificial reforestation in denuded forest land of the mudstone region the adequate slit and enough amount of fertiliizer application must be provided for the succesful performance of the program. On integrated experimental results of 1972. for the establishment of ground vegetation on the completely denuded forest land in mudstone region, soiling could be effectively practiced with weathered mudstone soil and it would not specially necessiate to have either weathered granite or tuffssoil for the soiling. And the soiling depth should be more than 10 cm in thickness. Among green materials used the straw mat proved to be the most effective reatment. Three major factors which enable to establish ground vegetation by the shortest period of time: A. Physical improvement of soil is necessary to breakdown of the horizontal cracks sushas Slit, contour line plot, seeding hole and etc., and soiling with weathered mudstone soil. B. Chemical improvement of soil: is needed sufficient amount of fertilizer application 300~400kg ha, $N+P_2O_5+K_2O$), and increased production of ground covering and expedite resolution of the vegetation (ground vegetation, fallen leaves and twigs). C. Complete establishment of the basic structure for the erosion control (Prevention of surface soil erosion)

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.285-307
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• 2004

Synthesize and examine petrological characteristic and geochemical characteristic by weathering formation of rock and progress of weathering laying stress on stone cultural properties of Unjusa temple of Chonnam Hwasun county site in this research. Examine closely weathering element that influence mechanical, chemical, mineralogical and physical weathering of rocks that accomplish stone cultural properties and these do quantification, wish to utilize by a basic knowledge for conservation scientific research of stone cultural properties by these result. Enforced component analysis of rock and mineralogical survey about 18 samples (pyroclastic tuff; 7, ash tuff; 4, granite ; 4, granitic gneiss; 3) all to search petrological characteristic and geochemical characteristic by weathering of Unjusa temple precinct stone cultural properties and recorded deterioration degree about each stone cultural properties observing naked eye. Major rock that constitution Unjusa temple one great geological features has strike of N30-40W and dip of 10-20NE being pyroclastic tuff. This pyroclastic tuff is ranging very extensively laying center on Unjusa temple and stone cultural properties of precinct is modeled by this pyroclastic tuff. Stone cultural propertieses of present Unjusa temple precinct are accomplishing structural imbalance with serious crack, and because weathering of rock with serious biological pollution is gone fairly, rubble break away and weathering and deterioration phenomenon such as fall off of a particle of mineral are appearing extremely. Also, a piece of iron and cement mortar of stone cultural properties everywhere are forming precipitate of reddish brown and light gray being oxidized. About these stone cultural properties, most stone cultural propertieses show SD(severe damage) to MD(moderate damage) as result that record Deterioration degree. X-ray diffraction analysis result samples of each rock are consisted of mineral of quartz, orthoclase,plagioclase, calcite, magnetite etc. Quartz and feldspar alterated extremely in a microscopic analysis, and biotite that show crystalline form of anhedral shows state that become chloritization that is secondary weathering mineral being weathered. Also, see that show iron precipitate of reddish brown to crack zone of tuff everywhere preview rock that weathering is gone deep. Tuffs that accomplish stone cultural properties of study area is illustrated to field of Subalkaline and Peraluminous, $SiO_2$(wt.%) extent of samples pyroclastic tuff 70.08-73.69, ash tuff extent of 70.26-78.42 show. In calculate Chemical Index of Alteration(CIA) and Weathering Potential Index(WPI) about major elements extent of CIA pyroclastic tuff 55.05-60.75, ash tuff 52.10-58.70, granite 49.49-51.06 granitic gneiss shows value of 53.25-67.14 and these have high value gneiss and tuffs. WPI previews that is see as thing which is illustrated being approximated in 0 lines and 0 lines low samples of tuffs and gneiss is receiving esaily weathering process as appear in CIA. As clay mineral of smectite, zeolite that is secondary weathering produce of rock as result that pick powdering of rock and clothing material of stone cultural properties observed by scanning electron micrographs (SEM). And roots of lichen and spore of hyphae that is weathering element are observed together. This rock deep organism being coating to add mechanical weathering process of stone cultural properties do, and is assumed that change the clay mineral is gone fairly in stone cultural properties with these. As the weathering of rocks is under a serious condition, the damage by the natural environment such as rain, wind, trees and the ground is accelerated. As a counter-measure, the first necessary thing is to build the ground environment about protecting water invasion by making the drainage and checking the surrounding environment. The second thing are building hardening and extirpation process that strengthens the rock, dealing biologically by reducing lichens, and sticking crevice part restoration using synthetic resin. Moreover, it is assumed to be desirable to build the protection facility that can block wind, sunlight, and rain which are the cause of the weathering, and that goes well with the surrounding environment.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.129-177
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• 1970

For the purpose of establishing the systematized technical scheme of the cooperative rice cultivation which has most significant impact to improve rice productivity and the farm management, the author have studied the cultivation practices, and the variation of rice growth and yield between the cooperative rice cultivation and the individual rice cultivation at random selected 18 paddy fields. The author also have investigated through comparative method on the cultivation practices, management, organization and operation scheme of the two different rice cultivation methods at 460 paddy fields. The economic feasibility has been ana lysed and added in this report. The results obtained from this study are summarized as follows; 1. In the nursery, the average amount of fertilizer application, especially, phosphate and potassium, and the frequency of chemicals spray for the disease, insect and pest control at the cooperative rice cultivation are significantly higher than those of the individual rice cultivation. 2. The cultivation techniques of the cooperative rice farming after the transplanting can be characterized by a) the earlier transplanting of rice, b) the denser hills per unit area and the lesser number of seedlings per hill, c) the application of larger quantities of fertilizer including nitrogen, phosphate and potassium, d) more divided application of fertilizers, split doses of the nitrogen and potassium, e) the increased frequencies of the chemicals spray for the prevention of disease, insect and pest damages. 3. The rate of lodging in the cooperative rice cultivation was slightly higher than that of the individual rice cultivation, however, the losses of rice yield owing to the occurrence of rice stem borer and grass leaf roller in the cooperative rice cultivation were lower than that of the individual rice cultivation. 4. The culm length, panicle length, straw weight and grain-straw ratio are respectively higher at the cooperative rice cultivation, moreover, the higher variation of the above factors due to different localities of the paddy fields found at the individual rice cultivation. 5. The number of panicles, number of flowers per panicle and the weight of 1, 000 grains, those contributing components to the rice yield were significantly greater in the cooperative rice cultivation, however, not clear difference in the maturing rate was observed. The variation coefficient of the yield component in the cooperative cultivation showed lower than that or the individual rice cultivation. 6. The average yield of brown rice per 10 are in the cooperative rice cultivation obtained 459.0 kilograms while that of the individual rice cultivation brought 374.8 kilograms. The yield of brown rice in the cooperative rice cultivation increased 84.2 kilogram per 10 are over the individual rice cultivation. With lower variation coefficient of the brown rice yield in the cooperative rice cultivation, it can be said that uniformed higher yield could be obtained through the cooperative rice cultivation. 7. Highly significant positive correlations shown between the seeding date and the number of flowers per panicle, the chemical spray and the number of flowers per panicle, the transplanting date and the number of flowers per panicle, phosphate application and yield, potassium application and maturing rate, the split application of fertilizers and yield. Whilst the significant negative correlation was shown between the transplanting date and the maturing rate 8. The results of investigation from 480 paddy fields obtained through comparative method on the following items are identical in general with those obtained at 18 paddy fields: Application of fertilizers, chemical spray for the control of disease, insects and pests both in the nursery and the paddy field, transplanting date, transplanting density, split application of fertilizers and yield n the paddy fields. a) The number of rice varieties used in the cooperative rice cultivation were 13 varieties while the individual rice cultivation used 47 varieties. b) The cooperative rice cultivation has more successfully adopted improved cultivation techniques such as the practice of seed disinfection, adoption of recommended seeding amount, fall ploughing, application of red soil, introduction of power tillers, the rectangular-type transplanting, midsummer drainage and the periodical irrigation. 9. The following results were also obtained from the same investigation and they are: a) In the cooperative rice cultivation, the greater part of the important practices have been carried out through cooperative operation including seed disinfection, ploughing, application of red soil and compost, the control of disease, insects and pests, harvest, threshing and transportation of the products. b) The labor input to the nursery bed and water control in the cooperative rice cultivation was less than that of the individual rice cultivation while the higher rate of labor input was resulted in the red soil and compost application. 10. From the investigation on the organization and operation scheme of the cooperative rice cultivation, the following results were obtained: a) The size of cooperative rice cultivation farm was varied from. 3 ha to 7 ha and 5 ha farm. occupied 55.9 percent of the total farms. And a single cooperative farm was consisted of 10 to 20 plots of paddies. b) The educational back ground of the staff members involved in the cooperative rice cultivation was superior than that of the individual rice cultivation. c) All of the farmers who participated to the questionaires have responded that the cooperative rice cultivation could promise the increased rice yield mainly through the introduction of the improved method of fertilizer application and the effective control of diseases, insects and pests damages. And the majority of farmers were also in the opinion that preparation of the materials and labor input can be timely carried out and the labor requirement for the rice cultivation possibly be saved through the cooperative rice cultivation. d) The farmers who have expressed their wishes to continue and to make further development of the cooperative rice cultivation was 74.5 percent of total farmers participated to the questionaires. 11. From the analysis of economical feasibility on the two different methods of cultivation, the following results were obtained: a) The value of operation cost for the compost, chemical fertilizers, agricultural chemicals and labor input in the cooperative rice cultivation was respectively higher by 335 won, 199 won, 288 won and 303 won over the individual rice cultivation. However, the other production costs showed no distinct differences between the two cultivation methods. b) Although the total value of expenses for the fertilizers, agricultural chemicals, labor input and etc. in the cooperative rice cultivation were approximately doubled to the amount of the individual rice cultivation, the net income, substracted operation costs from the gross income, was obtained 24, 302 won in the cooperative rice cultivation and 20, 168 won was obtained from the individual rice cultivation. Thereby, it can be said that net income from the cooperative rice cultivation increased 4, 134 won over the individual rice cultivation. It was revealed in this study that the cooperative rice cultivation has not only contributed to increment of the farm income through higher yield but also showed as an effective means to introduce highly improved cultivation techniques to the farmers. It may also be concluded, therefore, the cooperative rice cultivation shall continuously renovate the rice production process of the farmers.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 1973

Needless to say, the management of national forest in all countries is very important in view of the national mission and management purposes. Korean national forest is also in particular significant in promoting national economy for the continuous increasing of the demand for wood, conservation of the land and social welfare. But there's no denying the fact that the leading aim of the Korean forest policy has been based upon the conservation of forest resources and recovery of land conservation function instead of improvement of the forest productive capacity. Therefore, the management of national forest should be aimed as an industry in the chain of the Korean national economy. And the increment of the forest productive capacity based on rationalized forest management is also urgently needed. Not only the increment of the timber production but also the establishment of the good forest in quality and quantity are to bring naturally many functions of conservation and other public benefits. In 1908 Korean national forest was historically established for the first time as a result of the notification for ownership, and was divided into two kinds in 1911-1924, such as indisposable national forest for land conservation, forest management, scientific research and public welfare, and the other national forest to be disposed. Indisposable forest is mostly under the jurisdiction of national forest stations (Chungbu, Tongbu, Nambu), and the tother national forests are under custody of respective cities and provinces, and under custody of the other government authorities. As of the end of 1971, national forest land is 19.5% (1,297,708 ha) of the total forest land area, but growing stock is 50.1% ($35,406,079m^3$) of the total forest growing stock, and timber production of national forest is 23.6% ($205,959m^3$) of the year production of total timber in Korea. Accordingly, it is the important fact that national forest occupies the major part of Korean forestry. The author positively affirms that success or failure of the management of national forest controls rise or fall of forestry in Korea. All functions of forest are very important, but among others the function of timber production is most important especially in Korea, that unavoidably imports a large quantity of foreign wood every year (in 1971 import of foreign wood-$3,756,000m^3$, 160,995,000 dollars). So, Korea urgently needs the improvement of forest productive capacity in national forest. But it is difficult that wood production meets the rapid increase of demand for wood to the development of economy, because production term of forestry is long, so national forest management should be rationalized by the effective investment and development of forestry techniques in the long view. Although Korean national forest business has many difficulties in the budget, techniques and the lack of labour due to outflow of rural village labour by development of national economy, and the increase of labour wages and administrative expenses etc. the development of national forest depends on adoption of the suitable forest techniques and management adapted for social and economical development. In this view point the writer has investigated and analyzed the status of the management of national forest in Korea to examine the irrational problems and suggest an improvement plan. The national forestry statistics cited in this study is based on the basic statistics and the statistics of the forest business as of the end of 1971 published by Office of Forestry, Republic of Korea, and the other depended on the data presented by the national forest stations. The writer wants to propose as follows (seemed to be helpful in improvement of Korean national forest management). 1) In the organization of national forest management, more national forest stations should be established to manage intensively, and the staff of working plan officials should be strengthened because of the importance of working plan. 2) By increasing the staff of protection officials, forest area assigned for each protection official should be decreased to 1,000-2,000 ha. 3) The frequent personnel changes of supervisor of national forest station(the responsible person on-the-spot) obstructs to accomplish the consistent management plan. 4) In the working plan drafting for national forest, basic investigations should be carefully practiced with sufficient expenditure and staff not to draft unreal working plan. 5) The area of working-unit should be decreased to less than 2,000 ha on the average for intensive management and the principle of a working-unit in a forest station should be realized as soon as possible. 6) Reforestation on open land should be completed in a short time with a debt of the special fund(a long term loan), and the land on which growing hardwood stands should be changed with conifers to increase productivity per unit area, and at the same time techical utilization method of hardwood should be developed. 7) Expenses of reforestation should be saved by mechanization and use of chemicals for reforestation and tree nursery operation providing against the lack of labour in future. 8) In forest protection, forest fire damage is enormous in comparison with foreign countries, accordingly prevention system and equipment should be improved, and also the minimum necessary budget should be counted up for establishment and manintenance of fire-lines. 9) Manufacture production should be enlarged to systematize protection, processing and circulation of forest business, and, by doing this, mich benefit is naturally given for rural people. 10) Establishment and arrangement of forest road networks and erosion control work are indispensable for the future development of national forest itself and local development. Therefore, these works should be promoted by the responsibility of general accounting instead of special accounting. 11) Mechanization of forest works should be realized for exploiting hinterlands to meet the demand for timber increased and for solving lack of labour, consequently it should promote import of forest machines, home production, training for operaters and careful adminitration. 12) Situation of labour in future will grow worse. Therefore, the countermeasure to maintain forest labourers and pay attention to public welfare facilities and works should be considered. 13) Although the condition of income and expenditure grows worse because of economical change, the regular expenditure should be fixed. So part of the surplus fund, as of the end of 1971, should be established for the fund, and used for enlarging reforestation and forest road networks(preceding investment in national forest).

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.