• 한국정보전자통신기술학회논문지
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• 제12권5호
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• pp.512-520
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• 2019

음성을 시각적으로 표현하는 것은 외국어를 습득하는 과정의 학습자나 음성을 직접 들을 수 없는 청각장애자에게 매우 유용하며 기존에 다수의 연구가 이루어졌다. 그러나 기존의 연구들은 발음의 특징을 단지 컬러로 표현한다든가 입모양을 3차원 그래픽으로 표현하거나 입과 구강의 변화하는 형태를 애니메이션으로 보여 주는 방식에 머물러 있다. 따라서 이런 방식을 사용하는 학습자들은 자신의 발음이 표준 발음과 얼마나 멀리 떨어져 있는지 알 수가 없고 더 나아가서 학습 중에 스스로 교정을 해 나가는 시스템을 개발하기가 기술적으로 어려운 단점이 있다. 이를 극복하기 위해 본 논문에서는 음성 간의 상대적 거리를 토대로 음성을 시각화하는 모델을 제시하고, 이를 한국어 모음에 적용하여 모음의 음성적 특징을 이용한 시각화의 구체적인 구현 방법을 제시한다. 음성데이터에서 F1, F2, F3의 세 개의 포먼트를 구하고 이들 특징벡터를 코호넨 자기조직화맵 알고리즘으로 2차원 화면에 사상하여 각 음성을 화면 위의 각 점에 대응하여 표현하였다. 제안하는 시스템의 실제적인 구현은 인터넷에 공개된 음성처리 공개소프트웨어를 사용하고 한국인 교사의 표준 발음과 한국어를 배우고 있는 외국인 유학생의 음성을 이용하여 음성특징의 상호간 거리를 구하였으며, 사용자 인터페이스는 자바스크립트를 이용하여 구현하였다.

• 대한음성학회지:말소리
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• 제56호
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• pp.29-47
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• 2005

Investigating and comparing English vowels $/{\varepsilon}/\;and\;/{\ae}/$, and their-supposedly- corresponding vowels in Korean /ㅔ/ and /ㅐ/, this study addresses the following questions: Do Koreans pronounce/ㅔ/ and /ㅐ/ differently? Do they pronounce English $/{\varepsilon}/\;and\;/{\ae}/$ differently? And what is the relationship between the Korean vowels and the English vowels? Is the conventional correspondence (/ㅔ:${\varepsilon}/$, and /ㅐ/:${\ae)/$ appropriate? The results showed that 24 Korean male college students distinguish neither Korean /ㅔ/ and /ㅐ/ nor English $/{\varepsilon}/\;and\;/{\ae}/$, thus suggesting that their inability to distinguish the two vowels in their native tongue has an effect on their production of the English vowels. While not distinguishable within a language, Korean /ㅔ/ and /ㅐ/ still form a separate group from English $/{\varepsilon}/\;and\;/{\ae}/$. But Korean-Produced $/{\varepsilon}/\;and\;/{\ae}/$ are significantly different from American-produced $/{\varepsilon}/\;and\;/{\ae}/:$ Korean-produced $/{\varepsilon}/\;and\;/{\ae}/$ have much lower F1 and F2 than American-produced counterparts. Accordingly it is advised that, in learning English pronunciation, Korean students should be instructed to take the English vowel system as a separate system from Korean one, and thus, not to substitute Korean vowels for English vowels. And students should be provided with specific instructions on the articulatory differences between English vowels and Korean vowels. For example, Cey should be instructed to lower their jaws more for English $/{\varepsilon}/\;and\;/{\ae}/$ than for Korean /ㅔ/ and /ㅐ/.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.207-207
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• 1996

The neutral tone is one of the most important distinguishing features in Beijing Mandarin, but there are two completely different views on its linguistic function: a special tone(Xu, 1980) versus weak stress(Chao, 1968). In this paper, the acoustic manifestation of the neutral tone will be explored to show that it is closely related to weak stress. 122 disyllabic words in which the second syllable carries the neutral tone, including 22 stress pairs, were uttered by a native male speaker of Beijing dialect and analysed by Kay Digital Sonagraph 5500-1. The results of the acoustic analysis are presented as follows: 1) The first two formants of the medial and the syllabic vowel moves towards that of central vowel with a greater magnitude in the syllable with the neutral tone than in the syllable with any of the four normal tones. Also the vowel ending, and nasal coda /n/ and / / in the syllable with the neutral tone tends to be deleted. 2) In the syllables with the neutral tone, there are strong carryover coarticulations between the medial and syllabic vowel and the preceding unvoiced consonant. In general, the vowel is affected to move towards the position of the central vowel with more greater magnitude by coronal consonant than by labial or velar consonant. 3) In the syllable with the neutral tone, when and only when it precedes a syllable with tone-4, the high vowel following [f], [ts'], [s], [ts'], [s], [tc'] or [c] tends to be voiceless. 4) It can be seen from the acoustical results of 22 stress pairs that the duration of the syllable with the neutral tone is on the average reduced to 55% of that of the syllable with the four normal tones, and the duration of the final in the syllable with neutral tone is on the average reduced to 45% of that of the final in the syllable with the four normal tones(Lin & Yan 1980). 5) The FO contour of the neutral tone is highly dependent on the preceding normal tone(Lin & Yan 1993). For a number of languages it has been found that the vowel space is reduced as the level of stress placed upon the vowel is reduced(Nord 1986). Therefore we reach the conclusion that the syllable with neutral tone is related to weak stress(Lin & Yan 1990). The neutral tone is not a special tone because the preceding normal tone.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.246-246
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• 1996

Purpose: Some of the properties of the prosodic phrasing and some acoustic and phonological effects of contrastive focus on the tonal pattern of Seoul Korean is explored based on a brief experiment of analyzing the fundamental frequency(=FO) contour of the speech of the author. Data Base and Analysis Procedures: The examples were chosen to contain mostly nasal and liquid consonants, since it is difficult to track down the formants in stops and fricatives during their corresponding consonantal intervals and stops may yield an effect of unwanted increase in the FO value due to their burst into the following vowel. All examples were recorded three times and the spectrum of the most stable repetition was generated, from which the FO contour of each sentence was obtained, the peaks with a value higher than 250Hz being interpreted as a high tone (=H). The result is then discussed within the prosodic hierarchy framework of Selkirk (1986) and compared with the tonal pattern of the Northern Kyungsang dialect of Korean reported in Kenstowicz & Sohn (1996). Prosodic Phrasing: In N.K. Korean, H never appears both on the object and on the verb in a neutral sentence, which indicates the object and the verb form a single Phonological Phrase ($={\phi}$), given that there is only one pitch peak for each $={\phi}$. However, Seoul Korean shows that both the object and the verb have H of their own, indicating that they are not contained in one $={\phi}$. This violates the Optimality constraint of Wrap-XP (=Enclose a lexical head and its arguments in one $={\phi}$), while N.K. Korean obeys the constraint by grouping a VP in a single $={\phi}$. This asymmetry can be resolved through a constraint that favors the separate grouping of each lexical category and is ranked higher than Wrap-XP in Seoul Korean but vice versa in N.K. Korean; $Align-x^{lex}$ (=Align the left edge of a lexical category with that of a $={\phi}$). (1) nuna-ka manll-ll mEk-nIn-ta ('sister-NOM garlic-ACC eat-PRES-DECL') a. (LLH) (LLH) (HLL) ----Seoul Korean b. (LLH) (LLL LHL) ----N.K. Korean Focus and Phrasing: Two major effects of contrastive focus on phonological phrasing are found in Seoul Korean: (a) the peak of an Intonatioanl Phrase (=IP) falls on the focused element; and (b) focus has the effect of deleting all the following prosodic structures. A focused element always attracts the peak of IP, showing an increase of approximately 30Hz compared with the peak of a non-focused IP. When a subject is focused, no H appears either on the object or on the verb and a focused object is never followed by a verb with H. The post-focus deletion of prosodic boundaries is forced through the interaction of StressFocus (=If F is a focus and DF is its semantic domain, the highest prominence in DF will be within F) and Rightmost-IP (=The peak of an IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$). First Stress-F requires the peak of IP to fall on the focused element. Then to avoid violating Rightmost-IP, all the boundaries after the focused element should delete, minimizing the number of $={\phi}$'s intervening from the right edge of IP. (2) (omitted) Conclusion: In general, there seems to be no direct alignment constraints between the syntactically focused element and the edge of $={\phi}$ determined in phonology; all the alignment effects come from a single requirement that the peak of IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$ as proposed in Truckenbrodt (1995).