• Asia pacific journal of information systems
• /
• v.26 no.1
• /
• pp.22-40
• /
• 2016

Political activities through social networking service (SNS) are common in the political communication environment. The main aim of this study is to present logical and empirical evidence on the effects of politicians' SNS activities. To achieve this goal, this research analyzed the relationship between the SNS activities of politicians and the political efficacy and political participation of citizens through a survey of 644 people. The results of the survey analysis showed that politicians' SNS activities have a positive effect on both the internal and external efficacies of citizens and that these efficacies positively influence political participation. This finding means that the SNS activities of politicians promote political participation by increasing the political efficacy of citizens and states. The results also suggest that SNS, with its characteristics of communication and interaction, plays a crucial role as a political communication medium. Therefore, with SNS, a variety of information sources on politics can be offered, suggestions from citizens can be embraced, and such suggestions can be revealed to politicians as a means of promoting political efficacy and participation.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
• /
• v.50 no.1
• /
• pp.81-100
• /
• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to define and clarify the concept of political competence for nurses. Methods: A hybrid model method was used to investigate the dimensions, attributes, and definitions of the concept. In the theoretical stage of the study, literature on nursing, politics, and other discipline were reviewed. In the fieldwork stage, individual in-depth interviews and focus groups interviews were conducted with politically seasoned experts or activists who had an understanding of the concept of political competence for extensive descriptions in nursing and field of health care. Results: The concept of political competence was represented in four dimensions as political knowledge, political efficacy, political interaction, and political activity. In the political knowledge dimension, there were three attributes, namely, political knowledge, political information and systematic analysis ability. The political efficacy dimension had three attributes of internal political efficacy, external political efficacy, and self-pride of nursing profession. The political interaction dimension had three attributes of organizations and community service, networking, and persuasive power. The political activity dimension had six attributes of political leadership, political expression, assertive behavior, political advocacy, political participation, and policy intervention. Conclusion: This concept development might provide a basic understanding of developing a measurement tool and for constructing a theory promoting nurses' political competence.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
• /
• v.21 no.11
• /
• pp.125-134
• /
• 2023

This study attemped to examine the effects of health care nursing policy education on nursing students' political efficacy, political participation, and political interest. It attempted to guide the direction of policy education within nursing curriculum. The subjects consisted of 89 nursing students of G-university from March 8, 2023, to June 21, 2023, including 44 in the experimental group and 45 in the control group. The health care nursing policy class was developed using the ADDIE(Analysis, Design, Development, Implementation, Evaluation) model of instructional design. Data analysis used the SPSS 25.0 program through mean, standard deviation, and independent sample t-test. The experimental group that participated in this education showed statistically significant improvement in political efficacy(t=2.34, p<.05) and intrinsic political efficacy(t=2.75, p<.05), as well as passive political participation score(t=2.22, p<.05) compared to before the intervention. Based on the findings of this study, it is suggested that health care nursing policy education should be structured to enhance external political efficacy and promote active political participation in future nursing curriculum.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.117-155
• /
• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.11 no.3
• /
• pp.277-296
• /
• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
• /
• v.10 no.3
• /
• pp.103-129
• /
• 2004

This article examines the Korean adolescents and adults' social representation and trust of Korean society and people using indigenous psychological analysis. Respondents were asked to write in an open-ended questionnaire their perception of the following five aspects: Korean politics, economy, society, culture and people. They were then asked to report why they trust or distrust Korean society. A total of 1,064 respondents (218 middle school students, 200 university students, 218 fathers of the middle school students, 218 mothers of the middle school students, and 210 teachers) completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The data were collected during April to June, 2003. The results indicate that 94.5% of Koreans view the existing political system and politicians as being corrupt, inept, factional, and lacking in integrity. A vast majority (84.9%) recognize the existence of systemic problems in the Korean economy. A total of 78.2% see problems in Korean society being dominated by selfishness, factionalism, conservatism, and social uncertainty. For Korean culture, a majority of respondents report being proud of its cultural tradition, accomplishment, and creativity. At the same time, 45.7% report loss of cultural identity and pride due to external influences. More than half of the respondents report negative aspects of Korean people (i.e., selfish, lack of morality, rushed, and overly focused on their social image), while nearly half of the respondents report positive aspects of Korean people as being compassionate, cooperative, good-natured and hard-working. As for reason for trusting Korean society, around a third report "because it is our country," followed by its future potential, and the good-nature and willingness of Korean people to work hard. The reasons for distrusting Korean society is the dishonesty politicians, corruption, institutional ineptness, and economic uncertainty. These results indicate a low level of collective efficacy in influencing and affecting change in Korean society.