• 제목/요약/키워드: Existential Presupposition

검색결과 2건 처리시간 0.014초

How is 'Contrast' Imposed on -Nun?

  • Kim, Ji-Eun
    • 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
    • /
    • 제16권1호
    • /
    • pp.1-24
    • /
    • 2012
  • -Nun is generally known as a Topic marker in Korean. However, when it is combined with an accent, it is thought to have a different function, which is alleged to indicate 'contrast' (Kuno 1972). Although the fact that -nun marked item generates some kind of 'contrastive meaning' is uncontroversial, what 'contrast(ive)' means is still unclear. In t his paper, I propose that accented -nun generates two types of implicit propositions in addition to its at-issue meaning. A simple sentence has been repeatedly tested in various models in order to see what type of proposition each proposition corresponds to and it has been concluded that one is presupposition and the other is implicature. This tedious-looking test forms the main part of the first-half of this paper. The presupposition is the essential factor for the -nun marked item to obtain the 'contrastive' meaning. Based on the generation of this presupposition, I argue that -nun works as a contrast operator in a sentence. To illustrate -nun's function as a contrast operator forms the latter part of this paper.

  • PDF

한정성 효과: 한정성 제약과 비한정성 제약 (Definiteness Effect: Definiteness Restriction and Indefiniteness Restriction)

  • 전영철
    • 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
    • /
    • 제6권2호
    • /
    • pp.83-104
    • /
    • 2002
  • I argue that Definiteness Effect (DE) should include Indefiniteness Restriction (IR) as well as Definiteness Restriction (DR). DR is exhibited by existential constructions, predicate nominals, inalienable possession constructions, and verbs with semantic features like 〔((CAUSE TO) COME TO) EXIST〕. IR is caused by some existence presupposition of aspectual adverbs, aspectual verbs, repetitives, and topic markers. The environments for DR and IR determine the (in)definiteness of Korean bare noun phrases which otherwise can be used either way. The neutralization of DR is also induced by focus which imposes a certain amount of structure on the event quantification. Van der Sandt's (1992) Presuppositions-as- Anaphora-Theory is effectively used to account for those examples from DR, ID, and the neutralization of BR.

  • PDF