• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.249-293
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• 2018

The Musical Theatre was a popular art genre that originated from the western musical tradition represented by the European opera. In the twentieth century, it bloomed around Broadway in the United States. It is also one of the commercial arts which is popularly loved by the public in the field of performing arts all over the world at present. Due to the nature of this genre, the development of dramas and the expression of characters use music, not words or gestures, as the main medium. And the style of music reacts sensitively to the taste of the public, not to a particular class. When Japan colonized Korea, the empire strongly believed modernization equaled westernization and Japan was the one who could awaken Korean. The Japanese colonial music education was intended to bring cooperation and obedience to Japan by forcibly injecting Japanese ideology and culture into Joseon people. The music education of colonialism with the textbook of the "Songs for public education(보통교육 창가집)" compiled by the Japanese government was a sparkstone for the conversion of the Korean musical identity to Japanese and Western music. In addition to the capitalistic economical mechanism for establishing a South Korean government friendly with the United States during the Cold War after liberation, and the rush of American Pop culture represented by 'the show stage in 8th US Arm' and 'movies' which are to be the influence of invisible 'new cultural imperialism', our traditional music was confined to the meaning of 'Korean music', meaning 'past music'. In Korea, after the liberation, the musical was introduced by the influx of American popular culture. In accordance with the cultural policy of Park Jeong-hee regime, which aimed to spread the 'healthy culture' through the modernization of traditional arts, 'The Yegreen(예그린악단)' was founded. However, the plan to create a contemporary performing art based on Korean national arts showed the possibility of success in 1966 with the success of , but soon after, they have been destined to fall into an institution that has lost their ability to operate on their own due to the suspension of the sponsorship of the regime. Due to the cultural imperialist strategy of the influence of Japanese imperialism's colonial music education and influx of American popular culture after liberation, in the early days of Korean musicals, our traditional aesthetic style brought about the situation of the 1960 's, which did not become an independent ethnic art through the exchange and expansion with Western music. This is the background of the western licensed musicals led by the Korean musical market in the 21st century as well as the main cause of musical creation based on western music.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.15
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• pp.177-194
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• 1990

Koh(袴) was a type of dress worn on the lower part of the body which was commonly used in the Northeast Asia. It was originally used by the Northern race for the need of nomadism or hunting. The origin of the Koh which appeared in the area would be found from the trousers of the Huns who influenced in the Northeast Asia, and became in the part of the Scythian culture. The Scythians are the nomadizing race inhabited in the Northern Caucasas on the wast of the Black Sea and influenced on the inland Eurasian steppe as the first typical horse-riding race. The objectives of Koh which had been worn in the Scythian, Mongolia, Korea as well as Japan as a part of Dongho dress and ornaments and to contemplate the transmission process by cultural exchange among different races for the period from 4th century to 7th century. 1. The Origination of the Koh The Koh was originated by the environmental factor to protect the cold in the North but also from the heat in the South, and was changed and developed as gradually satisfying to the needs of the times. In the Northeast Asia the Koh was in the class of the Northern Chinese garment, and was used widely by the horse riding Scythians who moved widely from the Eurasian inland to Japan. The oldest original which could reflect the type of the Northern clothes was a pair of trousers discovered in the Huns remains of Noin Ula. This showed the exact form of hunting clothes and had a similar form with the Korean female tro-users. Since the same form of trousers drawn on the wall painting of which was excavated 4-5th century ancient Koguryo(高句麗) tomb was the same form the trousers of Noin Ula seemed to be the original form of Koh in the Northeast Asia. 2. The Chinese Trousers It was the time of the King Mooryung(武靈王) in the Cho(趙) Dynasty B.C. 3th century that the trousers used regularly in China. However, the Koh had been used as undergarment which functioned for the protection of the cold not the horseriding garment. The trousers seemed to be not very obviously shown off since the Poh (袍) was long, but mainly used by the people from lower class. As people learned the adapted the trousers. It was essential for the times of war and quarrel. The king himself started wearing the Koh. The Chinese trousers were influenced by the Huns, the Northern clothes of the Scythian culture, and similar to the Korean clothes. 3. The Korean Trousers Korean was a race bared from the Eastern foreign group. It was obvious that the clothes was Baji-Jeogori(바지 저고리), the garment of the Northern people. This had the same form of the Scythian dress and ornaments which was excavated from the Mongolian Noin Ula. The Scythian dress and ornaments were influenced from the Ancient West Asia Empire and transmitted to the Northeast Koguryu by the horseriding Scythian. The trousers were kept in the traditional style by the common people in Korea were transmitted to Japan which were for behind in cultural aspect, as well as got used to the Chinese as the efficient clothes though active cultural exchange. 4. The Japanese Trousers The ancient Japanese clothes were influenced by the Southern factor but not the form of the Koh. As the Korean people group was moving towards Japan and conquer the Japanese in the 4-5th century, however, North Altaic culture was formed and at the same time the clothes were also developed. The most influenced clothes at this time were those of Baekge(百濟) and the trousers form called Euigon became the main form. Because of the climatic regional factor, it was tied not at the ankle but under the knee. From the view the ancient Japanese clothes disappeard about that time, it could be due to the conquest of the culturally superior race but not the transmission of the culture. In the latest 7th century both the Chinese and Japanese dress forms were present, but the Dongho(東胡) dress and its ornament from Korea was still the basic of the Japanese dress form.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.16-37
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• 2015

As a result of analyzing the forming and the transformations of Seokjojeon Hall garden by linking it to the changes of Deoksugung Palace influenced by the social atmosphere, the Seokjojeon garden can be classified into four phases. The first phase starts from 1896 to 1914. Gyeongungung was built in the late 19th century(1896-1897) as an official palace and Junghwajeon Hall and Seokjojeon Hall was built for Gojong. J.M.Brown was in charge of the construction of Seokjojeon in the beginning but H.W.Davidson saw the end also set up the garden. In the process of forming the garden the incorporating of Dondeokjeon Hall and the demolishing of the west wing corridors of Junghwajeon Hall occurred. At this phase of the garden a statue of an eagle was put up in the garden but was soon taken down. The shape of the garden was quiet simple with a central axial pathway, a round assorted flower bed placed in front of Seokjojeon Hall. The second phase starts from 1915 to 1932 which lasted for 17 years. At the last years of the Great Han Empire the duties of Gungnaebu(宮內府) was transferred to Leewangjik(李王職) in 1911 and a research on the existing buildings was done by Jujeonkwa(主殿課) in 1915. According to the research drawings, the garden still maintained the axial pathway formed in the previous phase but the garden had an asymmetric form. The flower bed was formed in a round shape and an open-knot technique and boundary plantation was applied to the garden. The third phase starts from 1933 to 1937 and is the period when Seokjojeon Hall was made public. By the year of 1932 many buildings of Deoksugung Palace had been demolished in the preparation of the opening of Seokjojeon Hall as a permanent exhibition hall. The central axial pathway still remained in the new garden and added a pond with a turtle statue in the center. The fourth phase starts from 1938 until the liberation from Japan and is the period when Deoksugung Palace became a park. Yi Royal-Family Museum was built and linked to Seokjojeon Hall with a bridge and the garden transformed into a sunken garden. The garden adopted a fountain and a pagora. Despite the minor changes in the after years the garden still posses most of its form from the fourth phase. As we can see the current garden of Seokjojeon Hall is not the same as the initial garden and therefor the importance of this study lies in the fact that modifications to the statements regarding to Seokjojeon Hall garden should be made.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.34
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• pp.124-136
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• 2001

Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.32-48
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• 2022

This study analyzed the construction pattern and historical reality of Gwallamji Pond(觀纜池) in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮), which has been received as distorted information and has not received sufficient attention. The main topics consisted of the construction period and reorganization in the pond garden, changes in the installed wooden bridge, the existence of the berthing facility, and whether the plan shape was deformed. The main results of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the Gwallamji Pond was already completed before the Gapsin Coup, which occurred in the year of King Gojong. Since then, the Gwallamji Pond area, including the surrounding facilities, has been neglected for a while and was extensively renovated in the early 1900s. It is difficult to find a clear basis for the suspension and resumption of the Gwallamji Pond construction proposed in the previous discussion. Second, three types of wooden bridges with different shapes and structures were installed sequentially in the Gwallamji Pond. In particular, the second wooden bridge, which installed after the maintenance of the Gwallamji Pond, is judged to be the pontoon bridge depicted in Donggweoldohyeong(東闕圖形), and the railing of the bridge was decorated to symbolize the imperial family of the Korean Empire. The third wooden bridge, which appeared intensively in Japanese colonial era, was a Japanese-style bridge. Third, a berth facility for boarding and disembarking existed on the eastern shore of the Gwallamji Pond. The berth facility is also described in Donggweoldohyeong and it remained until the Japanese colonial period. However, as the maintenance work of the Gwallamji Pond was carried out several times after liberation, the berth facility was gradually damaged, and there are no traces left now. Fourth, The Gwallamji Pond was originally constructed in a planar shape of the Korean Peninsula similar to the present. It is necessary to reconsider the conventional theory that the Gwallamji Pond, made in the shape of a gored-shaped bottle, was renovated in the shape of the Korean Peninsula in Japanese colonial era. Even when the term Pandoji Pond(半島池) first appeared, there was no view that the Japanese intentionally modified the Gwallamji Pond.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.