• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.201-238
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• 2012

This study analyses the nexus between political change and development of parliamentary politics in Malaysia. The continued and stable parliamentary politics did not necessarily associated with political development in Malaysia for the last five decades. Except the 1969 general election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional(BN), has never been failed to obtain the two-third majority of parliamentary seats even though there has been regular general elections in every 4-5 years without any interruption. It is, however, worth noting that there has been dramatic political changes since the late 1990s. In particular, the 2008 general election showed the remarkable results, collapsing the two-third majority of BN's parliamentary seats. The opposition parties even took over the 5 state governments out of 12 in total. The more distinguished feature was the emergence of opposition coalition, called Pakatan Rakyak(PR), right after the 2008 general election. It was the first united coalition in Malaysia's modern political history among the severely divided opposition parties. Since its emergence, the PR has initiated various changes leading towards a more active parliamentary politics. In this regards, this study argues that parliamentary politics is no more regarded as a dependent variable in Malaysia's political process.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.217-256
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• 2013

This study addresses the issue of the continuity in Indonesia's party system with respect to Islam, authoritarian legacy and income, using the urban-based individual face-to-face survey data. The existing studies focus on the historical continuity of the Indonesian party system between the 1955 and 1999 democratic elections. Yet, this study deals with the continuity and discontinuity between the pre-transitional 1997 election and the transitional 1999 election. It finds that the effect of Islam is largely independent of the democratic transition: Islam-oriented voters under the authoritarian rule tend to remain in the Islamic camp even during and after the democratic transition, while most of the secular voters prior to the democratic transition continue to shun any Islamic parties during the democratization. The effect of authoritarian legacy is also found to be meaningful, even if not as sticky as Islam. Finally, the variable of income is significant. Contrary to the popular belief, the PDIP is not a party of the urban poor but the PPP is the urban poor's favorite choice. This implies the linkage between poverty and political Islam.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.59-83
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• 2019

The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• v.17 no.10
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• pp.2862-2882
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• 2023

With the development of networking technology, it has become common to use various types of network services to replace physical ones. Among all such services, electronic voting is one example that tends to be popularized in many countries. However, due to certain concerns regarding information security, traditional paper voting mechanisms are still widely adopted in large-scale elections. This study utilizes blockchain technology to design a novel electronic voting mechanism. Relying on the transparency, decentralization, and verifiability of the blockchain, it becomes possible to remove the reliance on trusted third parties and also to enhance the level of trust of voters in the mechanism. Besides, the mechanism of blind signature with its complexity as difficult as solving an elliptic curve discrete logarithmic problem is adopted to strengthen the features related to the security of electronic voting. Last but not least, the mechanism of self-certification is incorporated to substitute the centralized certificate authority. Therefore, the voters can generate the public/private keys by themselves to mitigate the possible risks of impersonation by the certificate authority (i.e., a trusted third party). The BAN logic analysis and the investigation for several key security features are conducted to verify that such a design is sufficiently secure. Since it is expected to raise the level of trust of voters in electronic voting, extra costs for re-verifying the results due to distrust will therefore be reduced.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.105-118
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• 2003

In both elections of 1997 and 2001, Tony Blair of the Labour Party won #10 of Downing Street. This political success had to do with regionalism and was particular due to the devolution policy that was supported by non English citizens. However, there are negative voices about this policy which tries to cope with regional conflicts by decentralizing the central political power. The paper aims to examine the current regionalism movements and the devolution policy in Britain. For this purpose, the nation-building processes of the United Kingdom and various reactions to these processes, especially regional ethnic conflicts are discussed. And the study finally investigates the future perspectives of the devolution policy and its implications for both regionalism and the national-regional developments in Britain.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.59-83
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• 2020

This paper examines the actions and the factors driving those actions to reduce energy consumption and enhance energy efficiency taken by United States cities. While not much empirical evidence is available on why governments pursue practical sustainability actions, we attempt to shed more light on this important topic by empirically identifying factors that contribute to concrete actions toward sustainability policies. We adopt political market theory as a basic theoretical framework with policy-making applied to city energy consumption. Using the 2010 ICMA (local government sustainability policies and program) data, this study expands the focus of analyses to evaluate the effect of the form of government on energy consumption and energy efficiency by using multiple regression analysis. The findings show that at the city level, the mayor-council form of government are negatively associated with governments' efforts to reduce energy consumption. However, cities with at-large elections and municipal ownership are more likely to adopt sustainability actions. We also find that a large-scale economy has significant effects on the effort to reduce city energy consumption and improve energy efficiency. This shows that environmental policies are directly connected to locally relevant affairs, including housing, energy use, green transportation, and water. Thus, local level administrators could take an executive role to protect the environment, encourage the development of alternative energy, and reduce the use of fossil fuel and coal energy. These efforts can lead to important environmental ramifications and relevant actions by municipal governments.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.11
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• pp.175-185
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• 2017

This paper aims to determine whether the changes in management performance of domestic agricultural cooperatives had an effect on the election results of Korean Agricultural Cooperatives in 2015. Financial performance data (2012-2015) prior to the Nation-wide Cooperatives elections in 2015 were reviewed to determine the impact of the election outcome on the election results. 2SLS Probit regression analysis shows that the significant parameters for incumbent president turnover in the 2015 election were the candidates' age, net profit decrease in 2014, and ROA comparison to similar asset-size group. These results support the conclusion that the union members of KAC consider whether the age of president is over 60, whether the net profits of the cooperatives are worse than the previous year, and compare the results of similar groups' managerial performance (ROA).

• Survey Research
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2007

This paper examined the electoral polling methodologies such as sampling method, sampling frame and the classification of the don't-know responses. Quota sampling method seemed to be one of the major factors for the declining trust in the poll results. We suggested that new procedures for random sampling as well as the bad number screening procedures for RDD selection of phone numbers need to be developed. Also we reviewed how the KBS used the polls in defining voters' agenda and in communicating the public agenda to the candidates. In Korea, rates for the polls were based mainly on the number of interviews completed. It seemed to keep the polling companies from tim new and more time-demanding polling methods. Also various utilization of the polls are limited by the tendency to keep the questionnaire short.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.153-180
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• 2013

This study explored election promises on library fields by the candidates for the mayor, the educational superintendent and the chiefs of districts of Daegu Metropolitan City and implementation of their election promises by the elected heads of Daegu Metropolitan City in the 5th local election of Korea. To do this, election promises of 36 candidates were analyzed by investigating the official gazettes for elections deposited in National Election Commission of Korea. Also, the implementation of their promises of 11 elected heads was analyzed by searching through the official websites, news databases and internet. As a result, election promises and implementation by the candidates for the mayor and the educational superintendent were mostly insufficient both in quality and in quantity. 54% of all candidates for the chiefs of districts presented election promises that were mostly related with construction of public libraries and installation of small libraries. Some elected chiefs actively implemented their promises, while the other elected chiefs did not fulfill their promises.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.604-626
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• 2012

As a society of knowledge and information has been developed rapidly, because of changing from web environment to ubiquitous environment, a lot of countries across the world as well as S. Korea for e-Government have come to use the internet electronic voting for a variety of elections. So this research focused on the strategy consulting of the internet electronic voting of S. Korea with spatial information system analysed by the application of 'scenario planning' as a foresight method. And as a consequence, the strategy formulation of the electronic voting for the future S. Korea is to use the biometrics technology system as vein recognition and face recognition, using a part of the human body like a password, with spatial information system.