• 수산해양교육연구
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.22-33
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• 2014

This study is to diagnose the present superintendent election and education standing committee system for improvement based upon Constitutional values of local education system. The findings are the followings. To improve the election system of superintendent it is recommended to maintain present election system rather than change it drastically since the present system ensure relatively more autonomy, expertise, and political neutrality of local education system. However, the qualification such as years of educational experiences of superintendent candidates need to be restored. Regarding education standing committee it suggest that all or at least 2/3 members need to be educational representatives rather than general representatives. For superintendent as well as education standing committee election, it needs to elaborate the vote ballet such as change of candidates name order by voting place to reduce its effects to election results. It also needs to strengthen public management of election such as expenses and TV forums among candidates.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제10권4호
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• pp.262-276
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• 2022

In this study, we examine how the third- and first-person perceptions of election polling news are linked to voters' political behaviors through anxiety and pride. The results of two web-based surveys conducted before and after the 2022 local elections in South Korea demonstrate that the third-person perception of election polling news is directly and indirectly linked to support for restrictions on media reports of election poll results through anxiety. The first-person perception of polling news is positively associated with reinforcement of support for the preferred candidate. These results suggest that how voters perceive the effects of polling news may have actual impacts on their political behaviors.

• International journal of advanced smart convergence
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.67-72
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• 2018

On the internal based search, the big data inference, which is failed in the president's election in the United States of America in 2016, is failed, because the prediction method is used on the base of the searching numerical value of a candidate for the presidency. Also the Flu Trend service is opened by the Google in 2008. But the Google was embarrassed for the fame's failure for the killing flu prediction system in 2011 and the prediction of presidential election in 2016. In this paper, using the virtual vote algorithm for virtual election and data mining method, the election prediction algorithm is proposed and unpacked. And also the WEKA DB is unpacked. Especially in this paper, using the K means algorithm and XEDOS tools, the prediction of election results is unpacked efficiently. Also using the analysis of the WEKA DB, the smart election prediction system is proposed in this paper.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.174-186
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• 2019

트위터는 사회적 상호작용을 원하는 사용자들이 가장 많이 활용하는 온라인 SNS 플랫폼이다. 기존 커뮤니케이션 플랫폼에 비해 다른 이와 훨씬 효과적으로 상호작용할 수 있는 장점을 지닌 트위터는 학문적 관점에서도 현재 매우 높은 관심을 받고 있다. 본 연구는 이를 감안하여 트위터 사용자들이 표출하는 트위터 메시지의 총량, 긍정적 메시지, 부정적 메시지 등을 활용하여 이들 메시지가 대통령 선거 결과를 예측할 수 있는데 효과적인지 분석하였다. 소셜 매트릭스 분석을 통해 분석한 결과, 특정 후보에 관한 트위터 메시지의 총량은 지난 18대 대통령 선거에서 실제 선거 승리를 예측하는데 매우 유용하다는 점을 확인할 수 있었다. 아울러, 트위터 공간에서 특정 후보에 관한 긍정적인 메시지가 많을수록 그리고 부정적인 메시지가 적을수록 해당 후보의 선거 승리에 중요한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구는 트위터에서 전달되고 공유되는 메시지 총량, 긍정적 메시지, 부정적 메시지가 유권자의 투표 의사결정에 매우 중요한 영향을 준다는 점을 입증했다. 후속 연구에서는 다른 SNS 플랫폼까지 포함하여 포괄적으로 연구를 진행, 가장 효과적인 커뮤니케이션 콘텐츠 전략을 도출해야 할 것이다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.166-183
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• 2013

It requires a lot of costs and manpower to manage an election. The electronic voting scheme can make the election system economic and trustful. The widespread use of smart phones causes mobile voting to be a major issue. The smart phone can be used as a mobile voting platform since it can carry out many services in addition to basic telephone service. To make mobile voting practical and trustful, we analyzed two subjects of study. Firstly, the way to make a biometric based mobile ID, which has legal binding forces. In mobile voting, user identification is accomplished on line since the voter should be able to vote wherever they go. The digital ID conducts a similar role to the need for a resident card. The user's identity is bound to the resident card legally. To bind the user's identity to the smart phone, we use USIM. Biometric recognition is also needed to authenticate the user, since the user cannot prove him or her on line face-to-face. The proposed mobile ID can be reissued by means of introducing a random secret value. Secondly, the mobile voting scheme is proposed where candidates can accept election results without doubt. The goal of an election is to select a leader among two or more candidates. Existing electronic voting schemes mainly focus on the study of ballot verification accomplished by voters. These approaches are not safe against collusion attacks where candidates and the election administration center are able to collude to fabricate election results. Therefore, a new type of voting and counting method is needed where candidates can directly take part in voting and counting stages. The biometric based multi-signature scheme is used to make the undeniable multi-signed ballot. The ballot cannot be verified without the help of all candidates. If candidates accept election results without a doubt, the fairness of the election is satisfied.

• 한국조사연구학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국조사연구학회 2000년도 춘계학술대회 조사연구의 방법론적 쟁점
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• pp.15-34
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• 2000

지난 4월 13일에 실시된 16대 총선에서 방송사와 조사기관들이 공동으로 조사하여 발표한 선거예측조사에서 많은 오류가 발생하여 선거예측에 대한 신뢰성에 큰 타격을 받았다. 이에 향후 선거예측조사의 신뢰성을 회복하고 보다 정확한 예측을 위해 기 발표된 예측조사내용을 다각도로 심층분석하여 조사의 오류가 발생한 원인을 살펴보고 이들 오류를 줄이는 방안들을 제시하였다. 아울러 이번에 처음으로 실시된 출구조사에 대한 문제점과 개선안도 함께 살펴보았다.

• 한국조사연구학회지:조사연구
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.15-34
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• 2000

지난 4월 13일에 실시된 16대 총선에서 방송사와 조사기관들이 공동으로 조사하여 발표한 선거예측조사에서 많은 오류가 발생하여 선거예측조사에 대한 신뢰성에 큰 타격을 받았다. 이에 향후 선거예측조사의 신뢰성을 회복하고 보다 정확한 예측을 위해 기 발표된 예측조사내용을 다각도로 심층분석하여 조사의 오류가 발생한 원인을 살펴보고 이들 오류를 줄이는 방안들을 제시하였다. 아울러 이번에 처음으로 실시된 출구조사에 대한 문제점과 개선안도 함께 살펴보았다.

• 산경연구논집
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• 제12권12호
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• pp.25-33
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• 2021

Purpose: This paper estimates the impact of the epidemic crisis on election outcomes through investigating the effect of Covid19 crisis on election results of 21st General Election held in April 15th 2020 in Korea. Research design, data and methodology: This study employs Ordinary Least Square (OLS) method using district-level data from Seoul and Gyeonggi province available at National election data in Korea. Results: Despite the current crisis in Korea, Covid-19 has had positive effects on voter turnout on average, after controlling for other factors. On the other hand, the effect of Covid-19 on the voter turnout was negative in districts with a larger aging population and higher health insurance premiums. In addition, Covid-19 negatively impacted vote shares for the incumbent party, while its rival party saw gains in their votes. Conclusion: The effect of Covid-19 election outcomes in Korea is distinct from other countries due to the nationwide acknowledgment of the Korean government's achievement in managing the epidemic. This implies that the crisis management ability of a government is crucial in gaining support for an incumbent party in future elections. Countries facing upcoming elections need to implement acceptable Covid-19 restriction policies as well as economic support for compensation to reap similar benefits.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제62권
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• pp.159-178
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• 2013

본 연구에서는 텔레비전 선거 여론조사 보도가 미치는 영향에 대한 수용자들의 인식이 이들의 정치적 행동의향에 영향을 미치는 메커니즘을 선거 여론조사 보도에 대한 제삼자 인식에 따르는 정서적, 행태적 반응의 측면에서 살펴보고자 했다. 이를 위해 제18대 대통령 선거를 앞두고 전국 유권자 700명을 대상으로 전화면접조사를 실시하여, 개인의 정치적 관점에 의해 영향을 받는 텔레비전 선거 여론조사 보도에 대한 평가가 제삼자 인식과 정서적 반응을 거쳐 정치적 행동의향에 영향을 미치는 과정을 구조방정식 모형 분석을 통해 검증했다. 그 결과, 유권자들은 자신이 지지하는 후보가 텔레비전 선거 여론조사 보도에서 열세로 나타나는 경우에 우세로 나타나는 경우 대비 보도의 신뢰도와 공정성에 대해 더 낮게 평가하고, 보도에 대한 평가가 낮을수록 이 보도가 자신보다는 다른 유권자들에게 더 큰 영향을 미칠 것으로 인식하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 이러한 제삼자 인식이 클수록 부정적 정서가 강하게 나타났으며, 부정적 정서가 강할수록 정치적 행동의향이 강하게 나타났다.