• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.153-180
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• 2013

This study explored election promises on library fields by the candidates for the mayor, the educational superintendent and the chiefs of districts of Daegu Metropolitan City and implementation of their election promises by the elected heads of Daegu Metropolitan City in the 5th local election of Korea. To do this, election promises of 36 candidates were analyzed by investigating the official gazettes for elections deposited in National Election Commission of Korea. Also, the implementation of their promises of 11 elected heads was analyzed by searching through the official websites, news databases and internet. As a result, election promises and implementation by the candidates for the mayor and the educational superintendent were mostly insufficient both in quality and in quantity. 54% of all candidates for the chiefs of districts presented election promises that were mostly related with construction of public libraries and installation of small libraries. Some elected chiefs actively implemented their promises, while the other elected chiefs did not fulfill their promises.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.149-171
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• 2018

The aim of this study is to investigate the library related campaign promises of the candidates for the heads of metropolitan governments and the superintendents of education between 1st and 6th nationwide local election in Korea. To do this, the library related campaign promises of 346 candidates were analyzed by analysing the official gazettes for elections digitally archived in National Election Commission of Korea. As a result, the campaign promises of the candidates were insufficient both in quality and quantity. The candidates for the heads of metropolitan governments showed low ratio of the library related campaign promises, excessive concentration on construction or installation of libraries and higher preference for small libraries than public libraries. The candidates for the superintendents of education showed relatively balanced distribution of the election promises on library fields. But the campaign promises related public libraries were insufficient and the campaign promises of school libraries did not reflect the major elements of school libraries and the context of school libraries in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.155-170
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to analyze whether the promises of library field were, what the promises of candidates were, and whether the content of the promises showed the dissimilar tendency or discrepancy. The starting point of this study was that the library-related issues should be raised in the local election in order that library-related problems in the local area were considered as the policy. The standpoint of this research was based on the notion the library-related problems could be settled if the candidates have an interest in the library field. The range of this research was limited in the election conducted in June 2. 2010. Candidates' promises were collected through a questionnaire, categorized and analyzed by subject. According to the result of analysis, the most candidates had interest in establishing of library infrastructure, on the other hand they had no interest in collection development, library policy, allocation of budget, and job creation for librarian.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.10 no.7
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• pp.69-75
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• 2012

This study aims to suggest the amendment method of publishing bulletins for election in accordance with the changed consciousness of voters and the environment of times after examining the expression strategies of a candidate's message through the analysis of publishing bulletins of local election in 2010. Accordingly, it tries to indicate the strategies of publishing bulletins for election more easily and briefly. As to the description of expression strategies, there were a lot of rational descriptions and positive appeals with the perspective of a third person. It shows the awareness that aggressive and negative expression brings about adverse effects. The appeals of the cover slogan in campaign promises were in the sequence of the candidate's character, regional development, and social welfare, and most campaign promises were within the range of ten promises. The most used symbol of candidates was the party which candidates belong to. The main empathized contents include the name of candidates, the experience of candidates, management, political ability, and region. In addition, slogans had the intention to express folksy and intimacy by raising the rates of residents' emergence.

• Journal of Korea Society of Industrial Information Systems
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.7-13
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• 2014

Twitter is a microblogging service that allows users to post short messages on a variety of topics in real-time. In this work, we analyze Twitter messages posted during the 2012 elections and find those implications. This study uses Twitter messages related to the 2012 South Korean presidential campaign. The three main candidates are represented by the abbreviations A, M, and P. According to the statistical analysis, the number of tweets and re-tweets for candidate P was relatively stable over the entire campaign period. Candidate P had the highest percentage of terms related to elections pledges, and candidates A and M were judged to be a little bit poorer with respect to campaign promises. The positive terms ratio for candidate P was higher than those for the other two candidates. The negative terms ratio in the Twitter messages of P was considerably smaller than those of candidates A and M. After considering all these results, it is suggested cautiously that Twitter messages posted during an election campaign could be correlated with the outcome of the election.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.113-127
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• 2016

This study was aimed to analyzing the fashion style worn during the election campaign in the 16-18 Korea presidential candidates. In order to derive a comprehensive fashion style of each candidate it was classified as outfits, items, colors, patterns, accessories and the like. Research data was collected through literature, newspapers, Internet sites, etc., and SPSS statistical package was performed. In research data, 16 presidential candidates photographs were 87, 17 presidential candidates photographs were 82, 18 presidential candidates photographs were 155 as photograph by exposure to the media during each presidential campaign. The results of this study are as follows: In the fashion style of presidential candidates, male candidates mainly dressed in a tie and suit, but the 18 candidates dressed in casual wear unlike previous candidates. In tie color, 16 appeared in the red series, 17 election and 18 election appeared in blue series. Female candidate, Park Geun-hye candidate dressed in the combination of a jacket and blouse and pants. Therefore fashion style of presidential candidates got a strong symbolic image functions as political lines, ideologies, beliefs, and the campaign promises. Because describing the fashion style of candidates based on the statistical result, it requires attention to generalization.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.35-68
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• 2021

In the German federal election in 2021, the Social Democrats returned to power by a narrow margin and the Green Party emerged as the biggest winner. The two political parties took the lead by proposing policies that met the expectations of the people in the policies of climate and environment, pandemic response and health, and labor and social security. The Merkel effect did not play a significant role in the election, and it is highly likely that it will lead to government policy after the formation of a coalition. While the class cleavage in voting behavior has weakened, the generational cleavage has grown relatively large. Older people showed more support for the two major parties, while younger people showed higher support for the Green Party and the FDP. If the generational cleavage continues, it can be linked to the growth of the Green Party and the FDP, the continued weakening of the two major parties and the emergence of other new parties. In addition, the regional cleavage between the former East and West Germany still remain, which will affect the direction of the AfD and the Left and combine with other political cleavages. The 2021 German federal election can be said to be an election that heralds the realignment of the political party system.

• Survey Research
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.23-45
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• 2003

While people with higher education are more likely to vote in most western societies, they are less likely to vote in Korea. To explain this puzzle, this paper introduces new concept of "distrust of the public promise. " With this new concept, this paper contends that in Korea where public promises are so easily broken, those with higher education are more skeptical of the politicians. Based on the various post-election surveys, this paper shows that "distrust of the public promise" leads the more educated people to abstain in the election. By adding rational factors of the voters to the conventional model, this paper proposed a more comprehensive model to explain non-voters in Korea. This paper explains increasing Korean non-voters in terms of rational choice perspective. choice perspective.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.