• 의정연구
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• 제27권3호
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• pp.155-188
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• 2021

이 연구는 선거보도의 역동성을 탐구한다. 선거 시기 매체가 언제 어떠한 기사를 생산하는가는 언론의 기사 생산을 이해하기 위해 중요할 뿐만 아니라 유권자들의 정치 행태를 파악하기 위해서도 중요하다. 선거보도는 매체와 후보자 및 정당의 전략이 복합적으로 작용하는 대상이다. 매체는 때로는 정책에 집중하여 기사를 생산하기도 하고 경쟁과 전략에 초점을 두고 선거를 보도하기도 한다. 이 논문은 매체의 보도 행태가 역동적이라고 주장한다. 예를 들어, 선거 기간 중 시간에 따라 정책기사량은 감소하며, 전략기사는 증가하는 양상을 보일 것이다. 더 나아가, 정책기사 비중은 방송과 신문 매체에서 서로 다른 양상을 보일 것이다. 이 주장들을 검증하기 위해 이 연구는 2020년 국회의원선거 시기 선거기사를 정책과 전략기사로 구분한 후 일별 시계열 자료를 구축하여 분석한다. 이 논문의 구조적 분절 분석 결과와 시계열분석 결과들은 이 연구의 주장을 부분적으로 뒷받침한다.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.67-104
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• 2020

Fake news and disinformation provoked heated arguments during Taiwan's 2018 local election. Most significantly, concerns grew that Beijing was attempting to sway the island's politics armed with a new "Russian-style influence campaign" weapon (Horton, 2018). To investigate the speculated effects of the "onslaught of misinformation," an online survey with 1068 randomly selected voters was conducted immediately after the election. Findings confirmed that false news affected Taiwanese voters' judgment of the news and their voting decisions. More than 50% of the voters cast their votes without knowing the correct campaign news. In particular, politically neutral voters, who were the least able to discern fake news, tended to vote for the China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) candidates. Demographic analysis further revealed that female voters tended to be more likely to believe fake news during the election period compared to male voters. Younger or lower-income voters had the lowest levels of discernment of fake news. Further analyses and the implications of these findings for international societies are deliberated in the conclusion.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제10권4호
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• pp.262-276
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• 2022

In this study, we examine how the third- and first-person perceptions of election polling news are linked to voters' political behaviors through anxiety and pride. The results of two web-based surveys conducted before and after the 2022 local elections in South Korea demonstrate that the third-person perception of election polling news is directly and indirectly linked to support for restrictions on media reports of election poll results through anxiety. The first-person perception of polling news is positively associated with reinforcement of support for the preferred candidate. These results suggest that how voters perceive the effects of polling news may have actual impacts on their political behaviors.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.105-125
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to analyze 1) who created and distributed fake news, 2) the distribution channels of fake news, 3) who fake news has targeted, and 4) the effects on voting and the impact of fake news on Korean politics. In South Korea, fake news was mainly created by candidates or election campaigns. The reason is that in the wake of the impeachment of President Park Guen Hye, all the political parties in Korea used fake news as a means of mobilizing supporters for each of their candidates or parties to gain an advantage in situations involving political divisions and confrontations between the pro-impeachment, progressive young generation and anti-impeachment, conservative senior generation. Voters' media usage patterns were polarized through social network services (SNS) media and television. Fake news was mostly received through these two media outlets. According to the spreading structure of fake news in Korea, the younger generation generally uses SNS posts intended for unspecified individuals, and the older generation uses closed SNS like KakaoTalk or Naver's BAND. In the end, it is typically characteristic of the older generation to spread fake news through existing offline human networks. In the 2017 presidential election, fake news has been confirmed to have the effect of mobilizing supporters for each political party. In the presidential election, an increase in voter turnout was confirmed among those in their 20s and those in their 60s or older. Evidently, fake news influenced the election of Moon Jae-In. The influence of fake news is expected to grow further as ideological polarization and consequent political polarization continues to intensify in South Korea.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제62권
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• pp.159-178
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• 2013

본 연구에서는 텔레비전 선거 여론조사 보도가 미치는 영향에 대한 수용자들의 인식이 이들의 정치적 행동의향에 영향을 미치는 메커니즘을 선거 여론조사 보도에 대한 제삼자 인식에 따르는 정서적, 행태적 반응의 측면에서 살펴보고자 했다. 이를 위해 제18대 대통령 선거를 앞두고 전국 유권자 700명을 대상으로 전화면접조사를 실시하여, 개인의 정치적 관점에 의해 영향을 받는 텔레비전 선거 여론조사 보도에 대한 평가가 제삼자 인식과 정서적 반응을 거쳐 정치적 행동의향에 영향을 미치는 과정을 구조방정식 모형 분석을 통해 검증했다. 그 결과, 유권자들은 자신이 지지하는 후보가 텔레비전 선거 여론조사 보도에서 열세로 나타나는 경우에 우세로 나타나는 경우 대비 보도의 신뢰도와 공정성에 대해 더 낮게 평가하고, 보도에 대한 평가가 낮을수록 이 보도가 자신보다는 다른 유권자들에게 더 큰 영향을 미칠 것으로 인식하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 이러한 제삼자 인식이 클수록 부정적 정서가 강하게 나타났으며, 부정적 정서가 강할수록 정치적 행동의향이 강하게 나타났다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제4권3호
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• pp.62-68
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• 2016

This study explores evaluative linguistic expressions in news reporting about the 2016 general election outcome in Korean newspapers. In particular, we have examined the evaluative linguistic expressions quoted from the three Western news media -New York Times, Washington Post, and BBC, both quantitatively and qualitatively in Korean news stories in order to know how journalists frame the news stories to persuade news consumers to accept their ideologies. This is based on the assumption that quotation can be a tool in conveying ideologies to news consumers (van Dijk, 1988, Jullian, 2011). To achieve this purpose, we selected ten Korean newspapers which included quotations from the news stories of the three Western media and then analyzed the quoted expressions quantitatively and qualitatively. For a qualitative analysis, evaluative linguistic expressions were analyzed to examine the journalistic stances of the Western news stories, following Martin's (2003) appraisal theory. For a quantitative analysis, a word frequency analysis was conducted to figure out the ratio of quoted words to the whole news texts in Korean newspapers. As a result, it was found that the news stories of BBC and Washington Post were more frequently quoted than that of New York Times when journalists conveyed neutral or positive attitude to the election outcome, thus confirming that evaluative linguistic expressions were functionally employed to convey journalists' ideologies or stances to news readers.

• 영어어문교육
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• 제9권spc호
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• pp.113-129
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• 2003

This study aims to probe for ideological construction within the linguistic structure of newspaper reporting. The study focuses on news reports relating the issue of new IOC chairman election in English version of four mainstream newspaper published in Korea: The Donga Daily News, The Jungang Daily News, The Chosun Daily News, and The Korea Times. The analysis of these reports adheres to the analytic paradigm of critical linguistic analysis and shows how the newspaper articulate conflicting ideological positions in their reports of new IOC chairman election. The analysis demonstrates how the event of new IOC chairman election is naturalized in racist accounts. This study is important for understanding the constructive nature of language practices. The study concludes with a discussion to explain the need for critical awareness in choosing right teaching material, considering that news reports are widely accepted as an authentic material for English education.

• 한국도서관정보학회지
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• 제48권3호
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• pp.113-130
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• 2017

본 연구는 제19대 대통령선거를 중심으로 선거정보의 페이크뉴스에 대한 유권자 인식을 분석하여 문제를 파악, 개선방안을 제언하고자 하였다. 전체 응답자 128명(남자53명, 여자75명)을 대상으로 분석결과, 첫째 응답자의 99.2(127명)가 선거 정보를 접해본 경험이 있었으며, 주로 방송(77.2%)과 스마트폰(70.9%), 인터넷(63.8%), 신문 32.3%(41명) 등의 순으로 접하는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째 응답자의 87.4%가 선거정보가 투표에 영향을 미치는 것으로 인식하고 있으며, 이들 모두가 보통 이상의 영향을 미치는 것으로 응답하였다. 셋째 19대 대통령선거에서 후보자들이 주장했던 선거정보를 표집하여 제시한 후 팩트 인식을 분석한 결과, 연령별로 유의한 차이가 있었으며, Scheffe 사후검증결과 30-40대가 20대에 비해 팩트 인식 평균이 유의하게 높은 것으로 나타났다. 이상의 분석을 토대로 선거정보의 사전 등록제도 및 검증제도를 법제화, 시스템화 할 것, 중앙선거관리위원회가 각 선거조직별로 선거정보 조사분석위원회를 설치하여, 상시적으로 선거정보를 조사 분석하여 팩트성을 유권자인 국민에게 알릴 것 등을 제언하였다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.104-110
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• 2022

This paper aims to analyze discourse metaphors by paying attention to Seoul mayoral by-election, mainly focusing on election campaign and its related news articles. The 2021 Seoul mayoral by-election was held because the former mayor died in an apparent suicide after he was accused of years of sexual harassment to a former secretary. But in the run-up to the by-election, the newly coined word 'alleged victim' from the ruling party caused a big controversy because the party attempted to deny the authenticity of the secretary's claim by calling her "an alleged victim," instead of "a victim" to defend the former mayor who is a member of the ruling party, implying that the woman's claim is just an allegation with no proof. Thus, this paper has analyzed how news stories were reported with regard to the word 'alleged victim' poser on news stories in two Korean quality newspapers, a conservative newspaper (Chosun Ilbo) and a liberal newspaper (Hankyoreh) from March 1 to April 1, 2021 and analyzed them with the framework of Lakoff and Johnson's Conceptual Metaphor Theory(1980). The findings are as follows: (i) the conservative newspaper reports this issue much more than the liberal newspaper; (ii) both quality newspapers follow the metaphor principles by Conceptual Metaphor Theory; (iii) the conservative newspaper is more likely to follow the Strick Father model (a conservative model) while the liberal newspaper is to follow the Nurturant Parent model (a liberal model), thus indicating that each newspaper's ideology is well represented by the models of Conceptual Metaphor Theory

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.274-303
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• 2023

The third-person perception phenomenon can consistently be found in opinion poll news, but it remains unknown what determines the degree of the third-person perception (TPP) about specific election poll news. We investigated how respondents' preferred candidate's status in the poll affects the perceived impact of polling news on both themselves (PMI1) and on others (PMI3) as well as TPP (PMI3 - PMI1). We also examined the effect of subjective political knowledge and the perceived level of political knowledge of others on TPP. An online experiment was conducted in the context of a gubernatorial election in South Korea, in which the leading candidate in the poll and the question order (self-question first vs. other-question first) were manipulated. The results indicated that PMI1 and PMI3 were greater when the respondent's preferred candidate was leading in the poll. TPP did not differ depending on subjective knowledge, but it was greater when the others were non-experts (vs. experts). Lastly, question order was found to be a method factor that affected both PMI1 and PMI3. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.