• 제목/요약/키워드: Each Country Park

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수도 수량구성요소에 미치는 기상영향의 해석적 연구 (Analysis of the Effects of Some Meteorological Factors on the Yield Components of Rice)

  • 박석홍
    • 한국작물학회지
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    • 제18권
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    • pp.54-87
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    • 1975
  • 수도 수량구성요소에 미치는 몇가지 기상요인의 기여율과 수량 구성요소의 지역내 년차 변이 및 년차내 지역 변이를 검토하여 수도 재배법 개선 및 작황 예측의 참고 자료를 얻고서 1966년부터 1973년까지 8개년간 3개 작물시험장 및 각 도 농촌진흥원포장에서 실시한 수도 작황 시험성적을 재료로 하여 표준 편회귀분석법을 적용 분석한 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 1. 수도 수량에 미치는 수량 구성요소의 기여율은 보통기 재배에서는 수수가 가장 크고, 적파 만식재배 및 북부 지방에서의 보통기재배에서는 등숙비율이 가장 크게 나타났다. 2. 수량 구성요소의 년차 기여율은 수수가 가장 크고, 해에 따라서는 등숙비율과 현미 1,000립중이 컸으며 통일은 단위 면적당 경화수가 수량성립에 크게 영향하였다. 3. 수량 구성요소의 기여율을 적용하여 지역별 수량성립 유형을 1) 영양생장 의존형(V), 2) 편영양생장 의존형(P.V), 3) 중간형(M), 4) 편등숙 의존형 (P.R) 5) 등숙 의존형(R)으로 분류하였다. 대체로 남부지방에서는 단위 면적당 경화수 의존도가 크고 중북부에서는 등숙요소의 의존도가 컸다. 4. 수량에 대한 수량구성 4요소의 회귀식을 상승적인 식에서 대수변환하여 가산적인 식으로 작성하였던바 보통기 재배나 적파 만식재배에서 다같이 가산적인 식으로 계산하였을 때 정도높은 수량측정을 할 수 있었다. 5. 분약 각기의 경수와 수수와의 관계는 보통기재배에서나 만식 재배에서 이앙후 20일부터 유의적인 정의 상관을 인정할 수 있었다. 6. 수수는 이앙후 21∼30일의 기상요인과 가장 밀접한 관계가 있었다. 7. 각기상 요인들의 최고분약수에 미치는 기여율은 이앙후 31∼40일의 평균기온의 기여율이 가장 크고 일조시간의 기여율은 11∼30일의 컸으며 수온의 기영율은 대체로 적었다. 8. 수수의 조기 측정은 경수만의 단요인이나 기상 요인만을 조합한 것보다는 이앙후 20일경수와 이앙후 20∼40일의 최고기온, 기온교차 및 일조시간 등 복합 요인을 조합하므로서 정도 높은 추정식을 작성할 수 있었다. 9. 수당 경화수와 기상 요인과는 출수전 25∼34일에 가장 밀접한 관계가 있었는데 중북부에서는 최고기온과 일조시간의 기여율이 컸고, 남부에서는 최저기온과 일조시간의 기여율이 컸으며 최저기온은 부치를 나타냈다. 10. 각 기상 요인들의 등숙비율에 미치는 기여율은 최고기온이 가장 크고 최저기온은 출수전이나 등숙 초기에 부치를 나타냈다. 11. 현미 1,000립중에 미치는 기상요인의 기여율은 최고기온이 등숙초기나 중기에 높고 최저기온은 등숙기간에 대체로 부치를 나타냈다.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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Almond의 종간접목(種間接木)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) (Studies on the Interspecific Grafting of Almond)

  • 박교수
    • 한국산림과학회지
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    • 제41권1호
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    • pp.7-18
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    • 1979
  • 본(本) 연구(硏究)는 유지자원(油脂資源)과 고급식물성(高級植物性) 및 단백질식품자원(蛋白質食品資源)으로서 중요시(重要視)되고 있고 특히 ice cream, candy roast, chocolate, 제과(製菓)및 화장품안료(花粧品顔料), 조미료등(調味料等)에 널리 쓰이고 있는 Almond의 산지개발(山地開發)로 식품자원(食品資源)을 충족(充足)하고자 우선 이들 clone 육성(育成)을 위(爲)한 접목친화력(接木親和力)이 강한 태목(台木)과 실용적(實用的)인 접목기술(接木技術)을 개발보급(開發普及)하고자 온실내(溫室內)에 온도(溫度)와 습도(濕度)를 완전자동조절(完全自動調節)할 수 있는 온실(溫室)을 만들어서 절접방법(切接方法)을 택(擇)한다음 태목용수종(台木用樹種)은 Prunus persica와 Prunus mandshurica를 사용(使用)하고 접수(接穗)는 Hall's hardy Almond, Nonpareil, Kapareil 및 Thompson을 사용(使用)하여 종간접목(種間接木)을 실시(實施)해서 태목별(台木別) 및 품종별(品種別)로 접목활착율(接木活着率)을 비교분석(比較分析)하여 다음과 같은 결과(結果)를 얻었다. 1. Almond는 Prunus persica가 Prunus mandshurica에 비(比)하여 보다 접목친화력(接木親和力)이 강했다. 2. Hall's hardy Almond를 P. persica와 P. mandshurica태목(台木)에 종간접목(種間接木)을 실시(實施)한바 P. persica는 95.33%, P. mandshurica는 92.66%의 접목활착율(接木活着率)을 얻었고 이들 태목간(台木間)에는 유의성(有意性)이 없었다. 3. Sweet Almond 품종(品種)들은 Prunus persica 태목(台木)이 Prunus persica 태목(台木)에 접목(接木)하는 것보다 접목친화력(接木親和力)이 강하고 이들 2개수종(個樹種)을 접목(接木)할 경우 태목간(台木間)에는 유의성(有意性)이 없었다. 4. Prunus persica 태목(台木)에 접목(接木)된 종간접목묘(種間接木苗)는 Thompson 92.66%, Nonpareil 90.66%, Kapareil 89.33% 순위(順位)의 접목활착율(接木活着率)을 보였다. 5. Prunus mandshurica 태목(台木)에 접목(接木)한 것은 Thompson, 87.66%, Nonpareil 87.00% 그리고 Kapareil 85% 순위(順位)의 접목활착율(接木活着率)을 보였다. 6. 이들 2개수종(個樹種)의 태목(台木)과 3개품종(個品種)의 접수(接穗)와의 상호작용(相互作用)을 분산분석(分散分析)한 결과(結果)는 유의성(有意性)이 없었다. 7. Hall's hardy Almond를 접수(接穗)로하여 Prunus persica를 태목(台木)으로 한 종간접목묘(種間接木苗)의 생장량(生長量)은 평균묘고(平均苗高) 161cm, 근원경(根元莖) 12.3mm 그리고 근장(根長) 21.5cm의 우량묘(優良苗)를 얻을수 있었다. 8. Prunus mandshurica를 태목(台木)으로 한 종간접목묘(種間接木苗)는 Prunus persica보다 6~8일(日) 빨리 접수(接穗)의 동아(冬芽)로부터 개엽(開葉)이 빨르고 또한 본엽(本葉)의 색(色)이 보다 농녹색(濃綠色)을 띠었다. 9. 온수(溫水)보일러와 미스트스프레이에 의한 자동조절장치(自動調節裝置)는 매우 편리하고 접목활착(接木活着)에 미치는 환경요인조정(環境要因調整)에 큰 효과(効果)가 있었다. 10. Almond는 온실내(溫室內)에서 일년생태목(一年生台木)에 절접법(切接法)을 활용(活用)하면 매우 손쉽게 다량(多量)의 우수한 접목묘(接木苗)를 생산(生産)하는데 효과적(効果的)이었다.

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상고시대(上古時代)와 고조선시대(古朝鮮時代)의 의학(醫學)에 관(關)한 문헌적(文獻的) 고찰(考察) (A bibliographic study on medical science ancient period (上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea (古朝鮮時代))

  • 권학철;박찬국
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제3권
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    • pp.218-247
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    • 1989
  • As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.

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비트코인 가격 변화에 관한 실증분석: 소비자, 산업, 그리고 거시변수를 중심으로 (Empirical Analysis on Bitcoin Price Change by Consumer, Industry and Macro-Economy Variables)

  • 이준식;김건우;박도형
    • 지능정보연구
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    • 제24권2호
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    • pp.195-220
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    • 2018
  • 본 연구는 비트코인 가격 변화량에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대한 실증 분석을 수행하였다. 기존 연구들은 암호화폐와 관련해 블록체인 시스템의 보안성, 암호화폐가 불러일으키는 경제적 파급효과 및 법적 시사점, 소비자 수용 및 사용 의도와 사회현상을 중심으로 이루어졌다. 그러나 암호화폐 가격 변화가 급등과 급락을 반복하면서 많은 사회적 문제를 야기했음에도 불구하고 암호화폐의 가격 변화에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대한 실증적 연구는 부족하다. 때문에 본 연구에서 암호화폐 가격 변화에 미치는 영향 요인을 도출하기 위해 암호화폐 중 가장 대표적인 비트코인을 중심으로 분석을 진행하였다. 분석을 위해 소비자, 산업, 거시경제 세 가지 차원에서 가설을 수립, 각 차원의 변수에 대한 시계열 데이터를 수집하였다. 단위근 검정을 통해 시계열 데이터에 대한 가성 회귀를 제거하고 안정성을 검증한 후, 비트코인 가격 변화량에 영향을 미칠 수 있는 요인들에 대한 회귀 분석을 실시하였다. 분석 결과 비트코인 가격 변화량은 비트코인 거래 금지에 대한 검색 트래픽, 미국 달러지수 변화량과는 음의 상관관계를, GPU 벤더의 주가 변화량, 원유 가격 변화량과는 양의 상관관계를 갖는 것을 확인했다. 그 이유로는 비트코인 거래 금지는 비트코인 존폐와 관련해 투자심리에 부정적 영향을 미친 것으로 판단되며, GPU 벤더 주가는 비트코인 생산 단가 증가와 관련해 비트코인 가격에 영향을 미친 것으로 해석된다. 미국 달러지수와는 반대로 움직임으로서 비트코인이 금의 성격을 갖고 있음을 확인하였으며, 원유 가격과의 관계를 통해 원자재와 같은 투자 자산의 역할도 갖고 있음을 확인하였다. 본 연구의 결과를 통해 비트코인이 가진 성격을 규명하였으며, 비트코인 가격 변화 요인에 대한 실증 검증을 통해, 그 동안 부족했던 비트코인 가격 변화 요인을 규명하였고, 해당 요인들을 통해 실무적으로 소비자나 금융기관, 정부 기관에 대해 비트코인에 대한 전략적인 접근방법에 대한 가이드를 제공할 수 있다는 점에서 의의가 있다.

기업 간 특허인용 관계 결정요인에 관한 연구 : MR-QAP분석 (A Study on the Determinants of Patent Citation Relationships among Companies : MR-QAP Analysis)

  • 박준형;곽기영;한희준;김윤정
    • 지능정보연구
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    • 제19권4호
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    • pp.21-37
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    • 2013
  • 최근 지식기반 사회의 진입과 더불어 지식재산에 대한 관심이 증가하고 있다. 특히 하이테크산업을 이끌고 있는 ICT기업들은 지식재산의 체계적 관리를 위하여 끊임없이 노력하고 있다. 기업의 지적 자본을 대표하는 특허정보가 지속적으로 축적됨에 따라 정량적인 분석이 가능해졌다. 특허정보를 통하여 특허수준부터 기업수준, 산업수준, 국가수준에 이르기 까지 다양한 수준에서의 분석이 가능하다. 특허정보는 기술 현황을 파악하거나 성과에 미치는 영향을 분석하는데 활용되고 있다. 네트워크를 통한 분석은 지식 영향의 흐름을 나타내며, 이를 통하여 기술의 변화를 확인할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 앞으로의 연구 방향을 예측할 수 있다. 네트워크를 활용한 분석 분야에서는 기업이 차지하는 네트워크상에서의 위치가 기업성과에 미치는 영향을 다각도에서 분석하는 연구가 진행되고 있다. 특허 인용 정보를 활용한 분석은 크게 두 가지로, 인용 횟수를 활용하는 인용지표 분석과 인용관계를 바탕으로 한 네트워크 분석으로 나뉜다. 본 연구는 기업간 규모의 차이가 기업 간 특허 인용 관계에 미치는 영향을 분석하고자 하였다. S&P 500에 등록된 IT 및 통신서비스를 제공하는 74개 기업을 선정하였으며 기업 간 특허 인용 관계를 구하기 위하여 2009년, 2010년의 특허 인용 정보를 수집하여 기업 간 특허 인용 관계를 나타냈다. 또한 기업규모를 대표하는 지표로 기업 총 자산에 대한 정보를 수집하였다. 기업규모에 따라 외부 지식에 대한 의존도가 달라지는 선행연구를 통하여 기업규모가 기업간 특허 인용 관계에 미치는 영향을 알아보고자 하였다. 이에 기업 간 총 자산의 차이에 절대값을 취한 값을 기업 간 거리로 정의하였으며, 기업 간 규모의 단순 차이를 기업 간 계층으로 정의하여 새로운 소시오매트릭스를 생성하였다. 2010년도 기업간 특허 인용 관계를 나타낸 소시오매트릭스를 종속변수로 하였으며, 2009년도 기업 간 특허 인용 네트워크, 기업 간 거리 및 계층을 독립변수로 하여 QAP분석 및 MR-QAP분석을 실시하였다. QAP분석 결과 기업 간 거리와 계층은 특허 인용 관계에 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. MR-QAP분석에는 2009년도 기업 간 특허 인용 관계와 기업 간 거리만 유의함을 확인할 수 있었다. 특히 2009년도 기업 간 특허 인용 관계가 2010년도 기업 간 특허 인용 관계에 가장 큰 영향력을 행사하는 것을 볼 수 있어 기업 간 특허 인용관계는 연속성이 존재하는 것으로 볼 수 있었다.

한국농촌의학회지(韓國農村醫學會誌)에 게재된 연구논문의 분류 및 연구동향 (A Study on the Classification and Research Trends of Articles in The Korean Journal of Rural Medicine)

  • 위유미;김석일;박향;류소연;박종;김기순
    • 농촌의학ㆍ지역보건
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    • 제25권2호
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    • pp.231-244
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    • 2000
  • 한국농촌의학회지 창간호(1976년 발행)부터 24권2호(1999년 발행)까지 총 3호에 게재된 연구논문을 종합 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 1. 총 34호에 게재된 전체논문수는 337편이었고 이중 원저논문수는 240편(71.2%)이었다. 원저논문은 1970년대에 13편, 1980년대에 73편, 1990년대에 154편으로 계속 증가하고 있었다. 2. 원저논문 240편의 저자수는 1명에서 10명까지였고 3인인 경우가 55편(22.9%)으로 가장 높았다. 공동저자수가 점차 증가하는 추이를 나타냈다. 연구기관수는 l개에서 5개까지였고 단일기관인 경우가 106편(44.2%)으로 가장 높았다. 1990년대에 오면서 3개이상의 연구기관들이 공동연구하는 양상을 뚜렷이 나타냈다. 3. 게재논문의 사용언어는 97.5%가 한글로 기술되었으며, 영어논문은 2.5%이었다. 원저논문에 연구비를 받았다고 표시된 논문은 24편(10.0%)이었다. 4. 원저논문의 연구영역별 분류에 의하면 보건 관리에 관한 논문이 105편(43.8%), 질병역학 연구논문이 96편(40.0%), 농촌환경 및 농민의 직업성 질환분야는 39편(16.3%)으로 순이었다. 1970년대에는 질병역학 12편(92.3%), 보건관리 1편((7.7%)이었다. 1980년대에는 질병역학 33편(45.2%), 보건관리 29편(39.7%), 농촌환경 및 농민의 직업성질환 11편(15.1%)이었다. 1990년대에는 보건관리 75편(48.7%)으로 가장 많았고 질병역학 51편(33.1%), 농촌환경 및 농민의 직업성질환 28편 (18.2%) 순이었다. 5. 각 영역별 연구주제별 분류에 의하면 농촌 환경 및 농민의 직업성질환 논문 39편중 농약중독 8편(20.5%)으로 가장 많았고 농부증, 비닐하우스증에 관한 논문은 각각 7편(17.9%), 사고손상 및 기타중독 6편(15.4%) 순이었다. 질병역학 논문 96편중 기생충 56편(58.3%)으로 가장 많았고, 비감영성질환 16편(16.7%), 감염성질환 12편(12.5%)순이었다. 보건관리 논문 105편중 의료이용행태 25편(23.8%)으로 가장 많았고, 보건의료체계 18편(17.1%), 모자보건 13편(12.4%)순이었다. 연대별 다빈도 10순위 연구주제별 분포에 의하면 1970년대에는 기생충 6편(46.2%), 비감염성질환 4편(30.8%)순이었다. 1980년대에는 기생충 28편(38.4%)으로 가장 많았고, 보건의료체계 9편(12.3%), 의료이용행태 7편(9.6%), 모자보건 5편(6.8%), 농약중독 4편(5.5% )순이었다. 1990년대에는 기생충 22편(14.3%), 의료이용행태 18편(11.7%), 노인보건 16편(10.4%), 보건의료체계 14편(9.1%), 감염성질환 10편(6.5%), 비감염성질환 10편(6.5%) 순이었다. 6. 원저논문의 연구설계방법은 분석적연구 115편(47.9%), 기술적연구 92편(38.3%), 실험적 연구 21편(9.2%), 증례보고 6편(2.5%)순이었다. 1970년대에는 기술적연구 13편(100%)이고, 1980년대에는 기술적 연구 47편(64.4%), 분석적연구 19편(26.0%)이었으며, 1990년대에는 분석적연구 96편(62.8%), 기술적연구 32편(20.9%)으로 나타났다. 통계처리방법으로는 3개 연구영역 모두 지술적통계량을 모든 논문에 시도하였고, ${\chi}^2$-검정, t-검정 순이었다. 이상의 결과에서, 한국농촌의학회지에 원저 논문의 게재가 점차 증가하고 있고, 저자수 및 연구기관수도 1990년대에 들어 증가하여 농촌의 보건의료에 관한 연구가 계속 활발히 이루어지고 있다고 판단된다. 연구영역을 분석한 결과 보건관리에 관한 논문이 가장 많았는데 1970, 1980년대에 질병역학 논문이 가장 많았지만 1990년대에 와서 보건관리 논문이 급증한데 기인한다. 연구주제별 분석결과 1970, 1980, 1990년대 공히 질병역학 영역에 속한 기생충에 관한 논문이 가장 많아서 그동안 우리나라 농촌에 기생충 문제가 현 비중을 차지하고 있었음을 반영 할 수 있다. 그러나 1990년대에 그 비중이 감소하는 추세이며 앞으로 의료 이용행태, 노인보건 등 보건관리에 관한 주제에 대한 연구가 더 많이 이루어질 것으로 예측된다.

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