• Speech Sciences
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.37-54
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• 2004

The main goal of this study is to examine the current issue of the deletion of high tone vs. the downstep or upstep of high tone in North Kyungsang Korean (NKK). In this phonetic experiment, five native speakers of North Kyungsang Korean participated and two categories, such as compounds and two-word phrases were included as a test material. This experiment shows that when the first word belongs to the nonfinal class, the high tone of the second word is overwhelmingly deleted. When the first word belongs to the final class, the high tone of it is also overwhelmingly deleted. It is thus concluded that when two words are combined into a phrase, the peak of one word retains, whereas the peak of the other is deleted. It is confirmed that a single high tone prominence in a phonological phrase in NKK is not due to the processes of down step or upstep but the deletion process.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.243-257
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• 2001

In English textbooks, there are three kinds of English intonation representations: Trager & Smith's, Weak-strong, Audio-lingual way. Each representation has its merits and demerits. Therefore, just one of them is insufficient to represent English intonation properly. Trager & Smith's representation is relevant to show holistic intonation itself. In contrast to this merit, it is not appropriate to represent downstep, declination, etc. With Weak-strong, it is good to show weak and strong point in the sentence. It is not, however, consistent with intonation. Instead of these representations, some textbooks accept Audio-lingual method. Audio-lingual method gives students more chances to hear native speakers' intonations. But it doesn't give ways to understand English intonation itself. In English textbooks, they don't have any hierarchies dependent upon students' proficiency. In spite of various intonations, they just accept a few limited intonation models. Thus, it is necessary to review all kinds of intonation representations and to develop more advanced and relevant English intonation representation.

• MALSORI
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• no.35_36
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• pp.49-61
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• 1998

The study on the intonational characteristics is concentrated on the lowering of the pitch level that is described as declination and downstep. The Taegu dialect, which has phonological accentual system, has these phonetic characteristics in affirmative sentences or Yes-No Question sentences. But there is the opposite phenomenon in WH question sentences in Taegu dialect. When the accent of interrogative word in the sentence intial position is LHL, intonation pattern shows a continuous upward movement, indicating that intonation pattern of Taegu dialect is influenced by not only grammatical system but also accentual system.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.69-87
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• 2002

This paper investigates how focus contributes to the phonological and phonetic realization of Japanese intonation. Pierrehumbert & Beckman (1988) pointed out that textual prominence results in the H-tone peak raising on the focused item and IP (Intonational Phrase) initiation before the focused item. Similarly Kori (1989) suggested that the F0 peaks on the words after the focused item tend to be suppressed. Although they give a general description of the characteristics of focus phenomena in Japanese intonation, they fail to explain the F0 peak interaction between H phrasal tone and lexically specified pitch accent in more-than-3-mora words whose accent locations varies from early to late. In this paper, we perform the experiment to investigate the following three points. First, we would like to look at the systematic intonational differences between focused and neutral APs; specifically, focused APs, either accented or unaccented, are compared with the neutral counterparts in terms of F0 pattern. Second, we investigate F0 patterns of a focused AP with more than 3 morae, as the accent of the word varies from early to late. Since an AP with a late accent has a H- on the second mora as well as H*+L on its accent mora, it is expected that these peaks will show systematic F0 pattern when it is focused. Our third concern is F0 patterns of a post focus AP with more than 3 morae, that is, whether a post-focus word is dephrased or just downstepped as the word accent location varies from early to late. This paper is significant in that it tries to clarify the F0 peak interaction between H-and lexical pitch accent H*+L in a variety of focus contexts in Japanese intonation.