• Korean Journal of Veterinary Research
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.543-552
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• 1995

This study was undertaken to investigate the eftects of Cd administered ad libitum for 6 weeks on the cellular immune responses of Balb/c mice. The results were summarized as follows; 1. The mice fed 25, 50 and 100ppm Cd drank as much as control, but the mice fed 200ppm Cd drank significantly less water after Cd exposure than did control. Increasing rates of body weight of Cd-fed mice for 6 weeks were as this, control group 27.0%, Cd administered groups(25, 50, 100 and 200ppm) 28.54%, 28.31%, 20.49% and 18.04%, respectively. 2. Absolute spleen to body weight(mg/g) of control, 25, 50, 100 and 200ppm Cd administered groups were $4.34{\pm}0.23$, $4.20{\pm}0.54$, $4.80{\pm}0.87$, $4.25{\pm}0.32$ and $4.40{\pm}0.32$, respectively. Splenic cellularity(${\times}10^7$) of control was $24.29{\pm}5.98$ but increased to $27.72{\pm}5.48$, $32.96{\pm}8.44$, $28.32{\pm}8.76$ and $29.64{\pm}4.08$ in 25, 50, 100 and 200ppm Cd-fed groups, respectively. 3. Total $CD_4{^+}$ cells(${\times}10^7$) of control, 25, 50, 100 and 200ppm Cd-fed groups were $9.15{\pm}2.24$, $10.40{\pm}2.04$, $12.04{\pm}3.08$, $10.20{\pm}3.16$ and $10.80{\pm}1.48$, respectively and total $CD_8{^+}$ cells(${\times}10^7$) of these groups were $2.32{\pm}0.56$, $2.54{\pm}0.27$, $3.12{\pm}0.80$, $2.25{\pm}0.70$ and $2.24{\pm}0.28$, in order. On the other hand, $CD_4{^+}/CD_8{^+}$ ratios in total cells were increased significantly except for 50ppm Cd-fed group($3.88{\pm}0.01$). And that of control was $3.97{\pm}0.02$, but those of 25, 100 and 200ppm were $4.35{\pm}0.01$, $4.54{\pm}0.03$ and $4.81{\pm}0.03$. 4. Phagocytosis rates of peritoneal macrophages were increased significantly in 25 and 50ppm Cd groups($36.34{\pm}9.45$ and $37.15{\pm}9.22$, respectively), but 100 and 200ppm groups showed similar rates($18.20{\pm}3.04$ and $19.48{\pm}3.22$ respectively) to that of control($21.43{\pm}3.62$). 5. In mitogen-induced splenocyte proliferation, various concentraions of $CdCl_2(10^{-4}-10^{-7}M)$ were added to mitogen-stimulated culture in vitro. Splenocyte proliferation induced by LPS was decreased dose dependently, but proliferation by Con-A was increased slightly in concentrations of $10^{-7}-10^{-6}M$. 6. Significant cytotoxicity of splenocytes with $CdCl_2$ were shown at $10^{-4}M$ treated group, especially at 24 hrs. From these results, it could be concluded that Cd might modulate the immune responses by modifying a distribution of T cell subpopulations.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.67 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2022

In order to manufacture feed suitable for consumer use and provide feed value information, we analyzed the feed components of the four main forage rice varieties by plant parts harvested 30 days after heading. The contents of the six feed ingredients were significantly different (p<0.05) among harvested parts. In the panicle, the crude protein (CP) (6.97%) and lignin (3.11%) were the highest, while the crude ash (CA) and neutral detergent fiber (NDF) contents were significantly lower, resulting in a total digestible nutrient (TDN) content of 77.29%, which is higher than that of the stem (64.82%) and leaf blade and sheath (LBS) (63.57%) (p<0.05). In contrast, the content of crude fat (CF) did not differ significantly among parts (p<0.05). In panicles from 'Jonong', 'Nokyang' and 'Yeongwoo', the TDN content of each cultivar was 78.48-79.07%, with no significant difference among the varieties. In 'Mogwoo' (Mw), the CP content was 8.70%, which was much higher than that of other varieties (p<0.05). In particular, the Mw TDN content was slightly lower in the panicle (72.95%) but higher in the stem (75.37%) and LBS (66.49%) than in the other varieties. The CA, NDF, acid detergent fiber (ADF), and lignin contents were also very low compared to other varieties; therefore, the feed value of the stem and LBS was excellent. In addition, the total dry matter weight (DMW) was 123 g per hill, which was much higher than 82-105 g per hill for other varieties. The distribution of DMW by part was LBS (56.9 g), stem (36.8 g), and panicle (29.3 g), and because the parts, except the panicles, were much higher than the 43-57% of other varieties (grain straw ratio: 76%), rice straw is advantageous in terms of quantity and feed value when used as forage on farms. The relative feed value (RFV) of the four cultivars ranged from 86.79-403.74 across all parts, and hay of grade 3 or higher with an RFV of 100 or more increased with delayed heading in both stems and LBS. This is due to the accumulation of starch into grains during ripening, which supports the observation that the RFV of the early flowering 'Jonong' and 'Nokyang' panicles increased.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.277-294
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• 1995

Background: The prevalence of tuberculosis in Korea decreased remarkably for the past 30 years, while the incidence of disease caused by mycobacteria other than tuberculosis is unknown. Korean Academy of Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases performed national survey to estimate the incidence of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis in Korea. We analyzed the clinical data of confirmed cases for the practice of primary care physicians and pulmonary specialists. Methods: The period of study was from January 1981 to October 1994. We collected the data retrospectively by correspondence with physicians in the hospitals that referred the specimens to Korean Institute of Tuberculosis, The Korean National Tuberculosis Association for the detection of mycobacteria other than tuberculosis. In confirmed cases, we obtained the records for clinical, laboratory and radiological findings in detail using protocols. Results: 1) Mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis were confirmed that 1 case was in 1981, 2 cases in 1982, 4 cases in 1983, 2 cases in 1984, 5 cases in 1985, 1 case in 1986, 3 cases in 1987, 1 case in 1988, 6 cases in 1989, 9 cases in 1990, 14 cases in 1990, 10 cases in 1992, 4 cases in 1993, and 96 cases in 1994. Cases since 1990 were 133 cases(84.2%) of a total. 2) Fifty seven percent of patients were in the age group of over 60 years. The ratio of male to female patients was 2.6:1. 3) The distribution of hospitals in Korea showed that 61 cases(38.6%) were referred from Double Cross Clinic, 42 cases(26.6%) from health centers, 21 cases(13.3%) from tertiary referral hospitals, 15 cases(9.5%) from secondary referral hospitals, and 10 cases(6.3%) from primary care hospitals. The area distribution in Korea revealed that 98 cases(62%) were in Seoul, 17 cases(10.8%) in Gyeongsangbuk-do, 12 cases(7.6%) in Kyongki-do, 8 cases(5.1%) in Chungchongnam-do, each 5 cases(3.2%) in Gyeongsangnam-do and Chungchongbuk-do, 6 cases(3.8%) in other areas. 4) In the species of isolated mycobacteria other than tuberculosis, M. avium-intracellulare was found in 104 cases(65.2%), M. fortuitum in 20 cases(12.7%), M. chelonae in 15 cases(9.5%), M. gordonae in 7 cases(4.4%), M. terrae in 5 cases(3.2%), M. scrofulaceum in 3 cases(1.9%), M. kansasii and M. szulgai in each 2 cases(1.3%), and M. avium-intracellulare coexisting with M. terrae in 1 case(0.6%). 5) In pre-existing pulmonary diseases, pulmonary tuberculosis was 113 cases(71.5%), bronchiectasis 6 cases(3.8%), chronic bronchitis 10 cases(6.3%), and pulmonary fibrosis 6 cases(3.8%). The timing of diagnosis as having pulmonary tuberculosis was within 1 year in 7 cases(6.2%), 2~5 years ago in 32 cases(28.3%), 6~10 years ago in 29 cases(25.7%), 11~15 years ago in 16 cases(14.2%), 16~20 years ago in 15 cases (13.3%), and 20 years ago in 14 cases(12.4%). Duration of anti-tuberculous treatment was within 3 months in 6 cases(5.3%), 4~6 months in 17 cases(15%), 7~9 months in 16 cases(14.2%), 10~12 months in 11 cases(9.7%), 1~2 years in 21 cases(18.6%), and over 2 years in 8 cases(7.1%). The results of treatment were cure in 44 cases(27.9%) and failure in 25 cases(15.8%). 6) Associated extra-pulmonary diseases were chronic liver disease coexisting with chronic renal failure in 1 case(0.6%), diabetes mellitus in 9 cases(5.7%), cardiovascular diseases in 2 cases(1.3%), long-term therapy with steroid in 2 cases(1.3%) and chronic liver disease, chronic renal failure, colitis and pneumoconiosis in each 1 case(0.6%). 7) The clinical presentations of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis were 86 cases (54.4%) of chronic pulmonary infections, 1 case(0.6%) of cervical or other site lymphadenitis, 3 cases(1.9%) of endobronchial tuberculosis, and 1 case(0.6%) of intestinal tuberculosis. 8) The symptoms of patients were cough(62%), sputum(61.4%), dyspnea(30.4%), hemoptysis or blood-tinged sputum(20.9%), weight loss(13.3%), fever(6.3%), and others(4.4%). 9) Smear negative with culture negative cases were 24 cases(15.2%) in first examination, 27 cases(17.1%) in second one, 22 cases(13.9%) in third one, and 17 cases(10.8%) in fourth one. Smear negative with culture positive cases were 59 cases(37.3%) in first examination, 36 cases (22.8%) in second one, 24 cases(15.2%) in third one, and 23 cases(14.6%) in fourth one. Smear positive with culture negative cases were 1 case(0.6%) in first examination, 4 cases(2.5%) in second one, 1 case (0.6%) in third one, and 2 cases(1.3%) in fourth one. Smear positive with culture positive cases were 48 cases(30.4%) in first examination, 34 cases(21.5%) in second one, 34 cases(21.5%) in third one, and 22 cases(13.9%) in fourth one. 10) The specimens isolated mycobacteria other than tuberculosis were sputum in 143 cases (90.5%), sputum and bronchial washing in 4 cases(2.5%), bronchial washing in 1 case(0.6%). 11) Drug resistance against all species of mycobacteria other than tuberculosis were that INH was 62%, EMB 55.7%, RMP 52.5%, PZA 34.8%, OFX 29.1%, SM 36.7%, KM 27.2%, TUM 24.1%, CS 23.4%, TH 34.2%, and PAS 44.9%. Drug resistance against M. avium-intracellulare were that INH was 62.5%, EMB 59.6%, RMP 51.9%, PZA 29.8%, OFX 33.7%, SM 30.8%, KM 20.2%, TUM 17.3%, CS 14.4%, TH 31.7%, and PAS 38.5%. Drug resistance against M. chelonae were that INH was 66.7%, EMB 66.7%, RMP 66.7%, PZA 40%, OFX 26.7%, SM 66.7%, KM 53.3%, TUM 53.3%, CS 60%, TH 53.3%, and PAS 66.7%. Drug resistance against M. fortuitum were that INH was 65%, EMB 55%, RMP 65%, PZA 50%, OFX 25%, SM 55%, KM 45%, TUM 55%, CS 65%, TH 45%, and PAS 60%. 12) The activities of disease on chest roentgenogram showed that no active disease was 7 cases(4.4%), mild 20 cases(12.7%), moderate 67 cases(42.4%), and severe 47 cases(29.8%). Cavities were found in 43 cases(27.2%) and pleurisy in 18 cases(11.4%). 13) Treatment of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis was done in 129 cases(81.7%). In cases treated with the first line anti-tuberculous drugs, combination chemotherapy including INH and RMP was done in 86 cases(66.7%), INH or RMP in 30 cases(23.3%), and not including INH and RMP in 9 cases(7%). In 65 cases treated with the second line anti-tuberculous drugs, combination chemotherapy including below 2 drugs were in 2 cases(3.1%), 3 drugs in 15 cases(23.1%), 4 drugs in 20 cases(30.8%), 5 drugs in 9 cases(13.8%), and over 6 drugs in 19 cases (29.2%). The results of treatment were improvement in 36 cases(27.9%), no interval changes in 65 cases(50.4%), aggravation in 4 cases(3.1%), and death in 4 cases(3.1%). In improved 36 cases, 34 cases(94.4%) attained negative conversion of mycobacteria other than tuberculosis on cultures. The timing in attaining negative conversion on cultures was within 1 month in 2 cases(1.3%), within 3 months in 11 cases(7%), within 6 months in 14 eases(8.9%), within 1 year in 2 cases(1.3%) and over 1 year in 1 case(0.6%). Conclusion: Clinical, laboratory and radiological findings of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis were summarized. This collected datas will assist in the more detection of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis in Korea in near future.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.46 no.5
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• pp.674-684
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• 1999

Background : It has been generally known that the incidence of lung cancer is higher in the patients with idopathic pumonary fibrosis (IPF) than those in general population. The reported incidence was variable from 4.8 to 43.2%. There were controversies on the most frequent cell type (squamous cell carcinoma vs. adenocarcinoma) and no study was done about the real concordance of cancer and the fibrotic lesion. And the pulmonary fibrosis may influence not only the development of cancer but also the treatment and prognosis of the cancer, but there was no report on that point. Method : Total 63 patients ($66.8{\pm}7.8$ year, M : F=61 : 2) were diagnosed as IPF combined with lung cancer (IFF-CA) at Asan Medical Center. A retrospective analysis was done about the risk factors of the lung cancer, pulmonary function test, the site of cancer(especially the relationship of the cancer with the fibrotic lesion), the histologic types, and the stage of cancer. The histologic types were compared with those of 2,660 patients with lung cancer who were diagnosed at the same institute for the same period. The effect of IPF on the treatment of the cancer was evaluated with the survival time after the detection of lung cancer. Results : The lung cancer was found in 63(22.9%) out of 281 patients with IPF. But in most of them(45 patients), lung cancer was detected at the same time with IPF and only in 18 patients, the cancer was diagnosed during the follow-up($25.2{\pm}17.7$ months) of IPF. So in our study, 6.7% of patients with IPF developed lung cancer during the course of the disease. The age ($66.8{\pm}7.84$ vs. $63.4{\pm}11.1$ years), percentage of smoker (88.9 vs. 67.2%), and the male gender (96.8 vs. 67.6%) were significantly higher in IPF-CA compared with lone IPF (p<0.05). The odds ratio of smoking was 4.7 compared with non smoking IPF controls. The lung cancer was located more frequently in the upper lobe and 55.5% was in the periphery of lung. The cancer was developed in the fibrotic lesion in 23 patients (35.9%), and in the majority of the patients, the cancer was separated from the fibrosis. The cell type of the lung cancer in IPF-CA was squamous cell carcinoma 34.9%, adenocarcinoma 30.2%, small cell carcinoma 19.0%, large cell undifferenciated carcinoma 6.3%, and others 9.5%. No significant difference in the distribution of histologic type of the lung cancer was found between IPF-CA and lone lung cancer. There was no significant difference in demographic features, cell types, location and the stage of the cancer between the group with concurrent IPF-CA and the group with cancer diagnosed during the follow up of IPF. There was a tendency (but statistically not significant : p=0.081) of higher incidence of adenocarcinoma among the cancers developed in the fibrotic area(43.5%) (F-CA) than in the cancers in non-fibrotic area (22.5%) (NF-CA). The prognosis of the patients with F-CA was poor (median survival : 4 months) compared with the patients with NF-CA (7 months, p=0.013), partly because the prevalence of severe IPF (the extent of fibrosis in HRCT 50%) was higher in F-CA group. Conclusion : These data suggest that the lung cancer in the patients with IPF has similar features to the ordinary lung cancer.

• Advances in pediatric surgery
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.143-155
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• 2002

A survey on biliary atresia was made among 26 members of the Korean Association of Pediatric Surgeons. The members were required to complete a questionnaire and a case registration form for each patient during the twentyone-year period of 1980-2000. Three hundred and eighty patients were registered from 18 institutions. The average number of patients per surgeon was one to two every year. The male to female ratio was 1:1.3. The age of patients on diagnosis with biliary atresia was on average $65.4{\pm} 36.2$ days old. The national distribution was 32.8% in Seoul, 25.3% in Gyoungki-Do, 21.6% in Gyoungsang-Do, 9.27% in Choongchung-Do, etc. in order. The most common clinical presentation was jaundice (98.4%) and change of stool color (86.2%) was second. Two hundred eighty (74.7%) of 375 patients were operated by 80 days of age. Three hundred thirty six (9 1.9%) of 366 patients were operated on by the original Kasai procedure, and 305 (84.3%) of 362 patients were observed by bile-drainage postoperatively. The overall postoperative complication rate was 18.5% and the overall postoperative mortality rate was 6.8%. The associated anomalies were observed in 72 cases (22.5%). One hundred ninty five (64.7%) of 302 patients have been alive in follow-up and 49 (25.1%) have survived over 5 years without problem after operation. Ascending cholangitis, varices and ascites affected survival significantly, and the important long-term prognostic factor was the occurrence of complications.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.13
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• pp.1-40
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• 1973

These studies were aimed at clarification of genetic and ecological variation in culm length, panicle length and plant height of the $\textrm{F}_2$ plants in some selected crosses made between semi-dwarf rice varieties and tall Japonica ones. One Indica semi-dwarf, Taichung Native 1, one Indica $\times$ Japonica hybrid, IE51 and one Japonica semi-dwarf, Tankanbaekmang were used as short-gene donors while two of medium maturity varieties, Jinheung and Kwanok and one late veriety, Palkweng were used as the corresponding counterpart of respective dwarf varieties in a series of crosses. Five different crosses, Kwanok $\times$ Tankanbaekmang, Palkweng $\times$ Tankanbaekmang, Jinheung $\times$ T(N)1, Kwanok $\times$ T(N)1 and Kwanok $\times$ IE51, were made among the above six varieties. The $\textrm{F}_2$ plants of these crosses together with the concerned parental varieties were grown under several different conditions including three levels of each nitrogen and planting space, three planting seasons and three locations in 1968, to investigate variation in length of culm and panicle, and plant height. On the other hand, the F$_3$ progenies which were derived from the shortest 10 percent of the plants of three $\textrm{F}_2$ populations, Kwanok $\times$ T(N)1, Jinheung $\times$ T(N) 1 and Kwanok $\times$ IE51 grown in the previous year, were compared each other on the basis of selection efficiency in culm length. The experimental results could be summarized as follows; 1. Genetic behavior A. It was revealed that Tankanbaekmang, one of Japonica dwarf has a simple recessive gene responsible for short culm expression, showing a typical segregation ratio of three tall to one short culm plants in $\textrm{F}_2$ generation of the crosses either with Kwanok or Palkweng. B. In the both combinations, segregation pattern of the panicle length was exactly same as that of culm length. It seems that the same gene controls both culm length and panicle length. C. No difference between segregation of culm length and plant height in the above crosses was observed. D. T(N)1, one of Indica semi-dwarf did not show such a simple genetic behavior as detected from the crosses with Tankanbaekmang in segregation of culm length but formed a continuous and normal distribution curve. Therefore, some nonallelic genic actions might be involved in expression of culm length of the counterpart varieties of T(N)1. In particular, a transgressive segregation appeared toward the direction of longer culm length in case of Jinheung $\times$ T(N)1. The genetic behavior of panicle length and plant height generally coincided with that of culm length in all the cases. E. IE51 demonstrated exactly the same genetic behavior as that of T(N)1 when this variety was crossed with Kwanok. It was clearly clarified that the simple recessive gene controlling dwarfism from T(N)1 was well incorporated into this variety. 2. Ecological variation A. In general, there was a decreasing tendency in culm length and plant height of rice plant as seeding delayed while it was not so noticeable in panicle length. The decreasing magnitude varied from variety to variety and from cross to cross. Genetic behavior of the culm length and related characters of these materials was not disturbed by the variation of seeding season, nitrogen level, planting space and experimental location. E. The elongation mode of the upper three internodes was very similar to the segregation mode of culm length, panicle length and plant height in $\textrm{F}_2$ populations of . all the crosses investigated in this study. Accordingly, this result confirmed that the roles of the upper three internodes are very important in manifesting plant stature in rice. C. The effect of nitrogen on culm length and the related other two characters seemed to be meager. However, it was true to show an increasing tendency of those characters as nitrogen level got increased from 4 kg to 12kg per l0a, with different magnitude depending upon variety or cross. D. Also, the effect of planting space on culm length, panicle length and plant height was relatively small in all the cases. Those characters varied again depending upon variety or cross. However, a general increasing tendency was detected in manifestation of those traits under denser planting space condition. E. All the parental varieties produced shorter culm, panicle and plant height when they were grown at the lower latitude locations. It might be attributed to the fact that their reproductive growth accelerated with increased temperature prevailing at the lower latitude locations such as Iri and Mi1yang. On the countrary, $\textrm{F}_2$ population reacted differently to the different locations from the parental varieties. All the $\textrm{F}_2$ plants produced the longest culm, panicle and plant at Milyang. 3. Selection efficiency A. The heritability of culm length in Kwanok $\times$ T(N)1, Kwanok $\times$ IE51 and Jinheung$\times$T(N)1 was 92 percent, 74 percent and 55 percent, respectively. B. The actual genetic advance for culm length obtained from the progeny lines of the selected plants(10 precent) from the $\textrm{F}_2$ generation, was comparable to the expected advance calculated from the original $\textrm{F}_2$ populations. As compared with the $\textrm{F}_2$ population, the $\textrm{F}_3$ plants of Kwanok $\times$ T(N)l shortened on the average by 20.8cm, those of Kwanok $\times$ IE51 did 8.7cm and those of Jinheung$\times$T(N)1 20.0cm, respectively. C. Panicle length of the populations was differently affected from one cross to another by the selection based upon culm length in $\textrm{F}_2$ Kwanok $\times$ T(N)1 did not show any noticeable shortening of its culm length due to the selection pressure. On the other hand, both Kwanok $\times$ IE51 and Jinheung $\times$ T(N)1 showed a considerable shortening of their panicles in case of selection for culm length. Based upon the above results, it could be concluded that the ecological variation in culm length, panicle length and plant height was relatively small and fallen within the range of genetic variation. Considering from the fact that the simple recessive gene governing short height of Tankanbaekmang always accompanied with some undesirable characters such as short panicle and extremely small grain, the short gene of T(N)1 seemed to be more useful as dwarf gene source since it did not carry short gene together with such undesirable traits.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.