• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.189-224
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• 2017

The case of 'Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation,' has presented "an important and serious challenge to the freedom of the press and democracy" in South Korea. Nevertheless, this case has not been reported by the mainstream news media. It has also been forgotten without a proper fact-finding or investigation by regulatory agencies, like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission, or The National Assembly. This study aims to examine why the above has happened through in-depth interviews of reporters and TV producers, senior journalists, former and incumbent commissioners of the broadcasting regulatory agencies, and experts of the industry, as well as literature research. Here, I present three answers. First, I found two reasons the mainstream press has ignored this incident. 1) It serves for political interests instead of reporting truth. 2) Public broadcasters' watchdog role has been neutralized. Second, regulatory agencies like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission and The National Assembly are ruled by political tribalism. The ruling party's members of the National Assembly and these agencies were reluctant to investigate allegations surrounding Paik Jong-moon, such as illegal dismissals, illegal intervention in programming or production, illegal recruitment and illegal business deals. That's because they considered CEO Paik an ally. Using their majority power, they have rejected the request from opposition-affiliated commissioners or from opposition lawmakers to investigate the allegations. Third, there were no alternative forces within the public broadcasters to unveil the truth. In conclusion, the legal and institutional shake-up of corporate governance is urgently needed for public broadcasters and broadcasting regulatory agencies.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.29
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• pp.225-268
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• 2011

The general public are interested in the politics and form public opinion and keep in check the government for true democracy. The general public have the right to be furnished information from the government. And the government should enact the Freedom of Information Act to provide the public's right to know. At the same time, the government should enact the Data Protection Act to provide the public's right to privacy. There is a friction between the Freedom of Information Act and the Data Protection Act. It's hard to maintain the proper balance between the Freedom of information Act and the Data Protection Act, but many countries try to do so. The UK enacted the Data Protection Act 1998(DPA), which entered into force on 2000, to comply with EU Directive 1995. The Freedom of Information Act 2000(FOI), which came fully into force on 2005, was passed in 2000. The FOI imposes significant duties and responsibilities on public authorities to give access to the information they hold. The purpose of this study is to consider the provisions of the personal data in FOI and DPA. Besides this, it identifies the complaint cases on public authorities about the disclosure and exemption of the personal data in comparison with the acts. If information is the personal data of the person making the request, it will disclose under the DPA. If information is the personal data of a third party, it will disclose under the FOI. These acts interact each other to make up for the weak points in the other to make a proper application of the act on public authorities. This study may have any limitation in making a comparative study of the disclosure and exemption of the personal data in Korea. But it is expected to provide a basis for understanding the disclosure and exemption of the personal data in the UK.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.37-76
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• 2009

This paper aims-through comparative research on two organizations and use of political process theory-to analyze the historical development of, current issues related to and the characteristics of the new transformation of the Freedom of Information Movements (FOIMs) in South Korea. In the ten years since the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) took effect in 1998, Korean FOIMs have developed along the following course: 'emergence' (1998), 'expansion and extension' (1999-2004), 'institutionalization and retro-institutionalization-' (2005-2008). Specifically, in the early stage of FOIMs, the Freedom of Information (FOI) department of the People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy, established in 1998, had led the FOI movement by initiating reform of the FOI institution and advocating an end to old practices. Paradoxically, however, following the institutional progress of FOI under the Roh Moo Hyun government, the vitality of FOIMs seemed to be weakening. And under the Lee Myung Bak government, which is showing regression in both the FOI institution and practices, the 'dual transformation' of the FOIMs is being led not by old groups but by new ones. The Center for Freedom of Information and Transparent Society(CFOI), which was founded in 2008, has journalists, researchers of archival studies, citizens, lawyers and nongovernmental activists as members. Through its blog style Homepage, countless reports are becoming "open to the public" and "share with the public." And its various civic education programs are interactive bridges which enable mutual communication between the Center and citizens. CFOI is expanding the FOI movement in different ways than the traditional activists such as the FOI department of the PSPD department, which worked through methods such as policy proposals, disclosing information litigation, comments and public statements, and hosting forums. CFOI is leading the 'dual process of transformation' of FOIMs, namely the transformation from an 'advocacy' movement to an 'empowerment' movement and transformation of the FOI movement's framework from "open to the public" to "share with the public."

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.6 no.1 s.11
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• pp.31-52
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• 2006

This paper aims to analyze the rise and decline of Seattle Community Network(briefly SCN), an electronic community network based upon Seattle, U.S. from the perspective of 'social shaping of technology' theory rather than that of technological determinism That is, this paper focuses on the social processes of the evolution of SCN. And this paper considers SCN as one important element of the 'network society', a concept manufactured by Manuel Castells. SCN was built successfully over 10 years ago by some progressive local activists and volunteers. The main purpose of building SCN at that time was said to make local community stronger with the help of advanced information technology. This can be understood that the founders of SCN tried to shape the direction of network society development based on civil society's values including public access and commitment to democracy rather than those of private companies. After some years of successful working, however, SCN started to decline. The expansion of internet services and the booming of dot.com companies in the late 90's were the main factors that made SCN decline. In conclusion, it can be said that the socia-economic factors rather than technological factors gave birth to the rise and decline of SCN.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.3-22
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• 2011

The study of online social movements is basically concerned about the impact of the Internet on the existing social movements. More specifically, researchers have paid attention to changes in participants, leadership style and movement strategies caused by the Internet. Due to the Internet, networks of the individuals who are geographically scattered or a network of networks have emerged as new movement agents. Researchers have also analyzed a repertoire of collective action adopted by the online social movements. The increase in online social movements calls for a new interpretation of the existing social movement theories such as resource mobilization, collective identity and political opportunity structure. There are still a lot of debate about the impact of the internet on social movement and the resulting changes. Not only the early debate of cyber-optimism and cyber-scepticism, many studies done by the mid-range perspective also suggested different arguments on the impact of the Internet. This discrepancy comes from a relatively short history of online social movement study, which leads to a limited number of case studies and a shortage of date accumulations. In the future, researchers need to place more attention on the unique characteristics of different technologies and comparative studies of online social movements. The study should also extend its focus to a wide range of political systems in order to explain the impact of online social movements on political intermediary organizations and the democracy itself.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.67-77
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• 2010

Citizen participation in local redevelopment has recently been regarded as essential, since progress in democracy and diversified public interests have contributed to more importance being placed on citizen participation in the implementation of public policies. While the importance of resident participation has been increasingly emphasized in principle, in reality more effort is still required in its application. We need to develop practical strategies of collecting community opinion in order to reflect it in public policy, if we are to achieve a resident and citizen-centered society. The purpose of this study is to develop an image map construction tool that can be applied to the "Maul-Mandulgi" projects as a visualized method to facilitate the exchange of opinions and work toward agreements. The tool is intended to assist public discussion by visualizing policies and plans and reducing the possibility of misunderstanding, so that residents can properly respond to the plans. Second, this study will verify the effectiveness of the tool in the application to local community workshops. The main research method is participant observation method and field study. Major findings are as follows, First, every resident who had participated in previous workshops gathered together, used the tool and represented their opinions unusually more than once. Each resident tried to make sure that other participants appropriately understood his or her opinion. The workshop finished when all participants agreed and produced a consensus. The workshop took much less time, which is in stark contrast to previous workshops in which it took significantly more time to collect opinions. Second, it proved that residents in the redevelopment area can strike a broad agreement by themselves on a method and direction for residential improvement. In previous workshops, conflicts between residents developed over the choice between the two methods, of local improvement and total demolition prior to multi-housing construction. In this study, opinions of residents were not limited to the two methods by finding a winwin solution. Third, the use of the tool kit for image map became efficient for inactive residents to develop their own opinions in regard to the direction and orientations of the residential improvement process. In addition, for those who have either no or a slight understanding of the residential improvement projects, the tool can provide access to information and knowledge. This study concludes that the developed tool for imaging of the redevelopment projection like a design game, rather than using forms of text and speech, can be a useful tool in collecting opinions and forming an agreed opinion for forthcoming residential improvement plans.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.53
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• pp.109-147
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• 2017

North Korean defectors had left North Korea often to escape from food shortages in the mid-1990s. Since the 2000s, the reasons of their flee from North Korea have more resulted from their exposure to external information, and a desire for democracy and freedom. However, North Korean defectors living in China are not recognized as refugees and thus subject to various human rights violations including forced repatriation. It needs to be thought that wether North Korean defectors who escape from North Korea are political refugees under international law. If they are not recognized as refugees in their new countries, it is imperative to consider a possible way to protect their human rights under international law. The problem of recognition of the refugee status of a person is a matter of involving the sovereignty of individual countries, however, the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees should provide protection of their unique rights, as recognizes by the UNHCR, and their status should be treated as a refugees issue in a broad sense. In the future, it is a necessary to establish international solidarity among individual countries, the UN General Assembly, the decisions of the Human Rights Council and support of UNHCR, to anticipate the need for the refugee recognition and the protection of International Human Rights in preparation for possible mass defections and refugees from North Korea.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.215-220
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• 2023

Network technology used as a physical interface to retrieve, store, and exchange data is leading the era of data capitalism in the 21st century. The capacity of network technology dominates almost all communication in everyday life, and makes social understanding and experiences in the physical world visible in cyberspace. The movements of human bodies and objects in cyberspace are placed in a social context. This paper paid attention to these phenomena and examined the cases of activism that raised real problems through cyberspace. In particular, the focus of the study is the digital activism of the Electronic Disturbance Theater, which combines critical art and thinking for democracy with the realm of information and demonstrates aesthetic imagination. The first chapter of the main body briefly outlines the meaning activism as a social movement in cyberspace. The second chapter looks back on the alternatives of <FloodNet>, which represents the early activism performance of EDT. And then in the last chapter, the poetic significance of the <Transborder Immigrant Tool> is analyzed. Through this process, this paper demonstrates that the activism performance of the EDT is a critical aesthetics that encourages imagination for alternatives. It also argues that Electronic Disturbance Theater has contemporary value as an avant-garde art that actively utilizes the medium of network technology and integrates performance art and politics.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.79-86
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• 2019

The quality of service delivery by governments to their citizens is a subject of concern in the contemporary society. E-governance is a critical aspect that is transforming government operation and service delivery to citizens and other bodies through application of information technology. This research explores the state of e-governing focusing on nations that are developing with special attention to Pakistan. The difficulties and benefits encountered are identified. The results are vital for implementers of e-governing systems in these countries. The methodology applied entails a secondary research that involves analysis and synthesis of literature relating the research topic. The results reveal that Pakistan has made incredible steps in setting up e-governance systems with growth in internet use and access of data from a digital platform. The findings reveal that e-government is associated with multiple benefits including enhanced quality of services, cost efficiency in service provision, enhance transparency and elimination of corruption, provide the basis for eradication of poverty, boost economic stability of a country, and provide room for direct democracy. The research also found that developing countries experience challenges in form of financial constraints, poor ICT infrastructure, illiteracy on e-government, political consensus constraints, legal obstacles, social and cultural constraints. E-government has the capability to transform the quality of governance provided by governments, and policymakers and implementers should address the constraints that act as a hindrance to its implementation.