• Reproductive and Developmental Biology
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-27
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• 2004

This study was conducted to investigate the developmental ability of caprine embryos after somatic cell interspecies nuclear transfer. Recipient bovine and porcine oocytes were obtained from slaughterhouse and were matured in vitro according to established protocols. Donor cells were obtained from an ear-skin biopsy of a caprine, digested with 0.25% trypsin-EDTA in PBS and primary fibroblast cultures were established in TCM-199 with 10% FBS. The matured oocytes were dipped in D-PBS plus 10% FBS ＋ 7.5 $\mu$ g/ml cytochalasin B and 0.05M sucrose. Enucleation were accomplished by aspirating the first polar body and partial cytoplasm which containing metaphase II chromosomes using a micropipette with an out diameter of 20∼30 $\mu$m. A Single donor cell was individually transferred into the perivitelline space of each enucleated oocyte. The reconstructed oocytes were electric fusion with 0.3M mannitol fusion medium. After the electrofusion, embryos were activated by electric stimulation. Interspecies nuclear transfer embryos with bovine cytoplasts were cultured in TCM-199 medium supplemented with 10% FBS including bovine oviduct epithelial cells for 7∼9 day. And porcine cytoplasts were cultured in NCSU-23 medium supplemented with 10% FBS for 6 ∼8 day at $39^{\circ}C, 5% CO_2 $in air. Interspecies nuclear transfer by recipient bovine oocytes were fused with electric length 1.95 kv/cm and 2.10 kv/cm. There was no significant difference between two electric length in fusion rate(47.7 and 44.6%) and in cleavage rate(41.9 and 54.5%). Using electric length 1.95 kv/cm and 2.10 kv/cm in caprine-porcine NT oocytes, there was also no significant difference between two treatments in fusion rate(51.3 and 46.1%) and in cleavage rate(75.0 and 84.9%). The caprine-bovine NT oocytes fusion rate was lower(P＜0.05) in 1 pulse for 60 $\mu$sec(19.3%), than those from 1 pulse for 30 $\mu$sec(50.8%) and 2 pulse for 30 $\mu$sec(31.0%). The cleavage rate was higher(P＜0.05) in 1 pulse for 30 $\mu$sec(53.3%) and 2 pulse for 30 $\mu$sec(50.0%), than in 1 pulse for 60 $\mu$sec(18.2%). The caprine-porcine NT oocytes fusion rate was 48.1% in 1 pulse for 30 $\mu$sec, 45.2% in 2 pulse for 30 $\mu$sec and 48.6% in 1 pulse for 60 $\mu$sec. The cleavage rate was higher(P＜0.05) in 1 pulse for 30 $\mu$sec(78.4%) and 1 pulse for 60 $\mu$sec(79.4%), than in 2 pulse for 30 $\mu$sec(53.6%). In caprine-bovine NT embryos, the developmental rate of morula and blastocyst stage embryos were 22.6% in interspecies nuclear transfer and 30.6% in parthenotes, which was no significant differed. The developmental rate of morula and blastocyst stage embryos with caprine-porcine NT embryos were lower(P＜0.05) in interspecies nuclear transfer(5.1%) than parthenotes(37.4%).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.54-73
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• 2012

In this article, we examined the patterns of activities of the Sarmathians though in a humble measure, with a focus on the regions where the Sarmathian sheaths spreaded. One of the main weapons the mounted nomads like the Scythias, the Sarmathians, and the Alans used at war was a spear. Though complementary, a sword was the most convenient and appropriate weapon when fighting at a near distance, fallen from the horse to the ground. The Sarmathian swords continued the tradition of the Akinakes which the Scythias or the Persians used, but those of the Sarmathians showed some advances in terms of the easiness with which a sword was drawn out from a sheath, and the way the sheaths were worn to parts of a human body. It turns out that the Sarmathian sheaths, which were designed for the people to draw swords easily, having the sheaths attached to thighs through 4 bumps, spread extensively from Pazyryk, Altai, to South Siberia, Bactria, Parthia and Rome. The most noteworthy out of all the Sarmathian sheaths were the ones that were excavated from the 4th tomb in Tillatepe, Afghanistan which belonged to the region of Bactria. The owner of the fourth tomb of Tilla-tepe whose region was under the control of Kushan Dynasty at that time, was buried wearing Sarmathian swords, and regarded as a big shot in the region of Bactria which was also under the governance of Kushan Dynasty. The fact that the owner of the tomb wore two swords suggests that there had been active exchange between Bactria and Sarmathia. It seemed that the reason why the Sarmathians could play an important role in the exchange between the East and the West might have something to do with their role of supplying Chinese goods to Silk Road. That's why we are interested in how the copper mirrors of Han Dynasty, decoration beads like melon-type beads, crystal beads and goldring articulated beads, and the artifacts of South China which produced silks were excavated in the northern steppe route where the Sarmathians actively worked. Our study have established that the eye beads discovered in Sarmathian tomb estimated to have been built around the 1st century B.C. were reprocessed in China, and then imported to Sarmathia again. We should note the Huns as a medium between the Sarmathians and the South China which were far apart from each other. Thus gold-ring articulated beads which were spread out mainly across the South China has been discovered in the Huns' remains. On the other hand, between 2nd century B.C. and 2nd century A.D. which were main periods of the Sarmathians, it was considered that the traffic route connecting the steppe route and the South China might be West-South silk road which started from Yunnan, passed through Myanmar, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, and then went into the east of India. The West-south Silk road is presumed to have been used by nomadic tribes who wanted to get the goods from South China before the Oasis route was activated by the Han Dynasty's policy of managing the countries bordering on Western China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.5-42
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• 2005

Based on a field investigation of intangible cultural asset # 2, author Sir Shin Seok-bong of Daejeon Metropolitan Cityinvestigated the music of Antaek-gut, which is the base and core of Anjoon-gut, and found the following musical features: A Jang-gu(drum) and Kkoaengkwari(gong) were used to recitethe Sutra(kyungmoon) of Anjoon-gut. The Jang-gu, located on the right side, played an accompaniment role with regular beats when the Sutra was recited. The Kkoaengkwari, located on the left side, played the role of covering the caesura of the Sutra passages, so it is played with various rhythmic variations in accordance with Kojang(鼓杖). This is one way of playing Korean national classical music that has temporary caesuras, depending on the rector's bre! ath or the contents of a Sutra during the Sutra chanting, with the Jang-gu covering the pause with its variation. In other words, when being played in concert, the instruments that play the main melody are at rest while another instrument takes its turn to play the main melody as a form of prolonged sound. The rhythmic cycles of the sutras of Antaek-gut recited with this instrumental accompaniment consist of five types; a) Woemarch-jangdan (a single beat) of 4 meter by 3 bit, b) Dumarch-jangdan (two beats) of 8 meter by 3 bit, c) Saemarch-jangdan (three beats) of 4 meter by 3 bit with a fast tempo, d) Mak-gojang, uniform beats with a standardized rhythm, and e) incomplete beats deviated from the regular beats. Sir Shin Seok-bong chanted Chang (唱), a traditional native song which he called 'Cheong (淸)' with a cycle of 'Dumarch-jangdan' throughout the places of Antaek-gut. Only 'Toesonggyung' a chant for the gate that was the last location of the Antaek, was chanted with a cycle of 'Woemarch-jan! gdan'. In addition, 'Saemarch-jangdan' and 'Mak-gojang' that had comparatively faster tempos than the former two jangdans, were played without a chant when a female shaman was dancing and catching her spirit-invoking wand. The 'Saemarch-jangdan', particularly, was played while dancing began at a relatively slow tempo, then proceeded at a violent tempo and then back again to the slow tempo. This shows one of the representative tempos of our music with a slow-fast-slow tempo. The organizational tones were 'mi-la-do'-re'', and its key tones of 'mi-la-do'' were performed with perfect fourth and minor third, which was the same as those of Menari-tori. However, it did not show a typical Sigimse, an ornamental tone, of Menari-tory, whose first tone, 'mi', is vibrated and its Sigimse is gliding down from the tone 're' to 'do'. That is because the regional tone-tori of Chungcheong-do have a relatively weaker musical expression than that of Gyeongsang-do. In addition, the rhythmic types in accordance with the words of a song for the Antaek-gut music had a comparatively faster tempo than the other sutras. Also, it was only with 'Toesonggyeong' that the tone 'la' continuously appeared throughout the melody and showed 'a syllabic rhythm', while other places consisted of either a 'syncopation' or 'melismatic' rhythm. Finally, according to a brief investigation of the tone organization in accordance with each sutra, the tone 'la' was given more weight. The tone procedure showed a mainly ascending 'la-do'' and the descending 'la-mi' with minor third and perfect fourth. Also, the overall tempo proceeded with M.M.♩.=116-184, while the tempo for the Gut proceeded with M.M.♩.=120-140, which was suitable for reciting a Sutra.

• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.65-75
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• 2019

A number of Korean native chicken(KNC) populations were registered in FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) DAD-IS (Domestic Animal Diversity Information Systems, http://www.fao.org/dad-is). But there is a lack of scientific basis to prove that they are unique population of Korea. For this reason, this study was conducted to prove KNC's uniqueness using 25 Microsatellite markers. A total of 548 chickens from 11 KNC populations (KNG, KNB, KNR, KNW, KNY, KNO, HIC, HYD, HBC, JJC, LTC) and 7 introduced populations (ARA: Araucana, RRC and RRD: Rhode Island Red C and D, LGF and LGK: White Leghorn F and K, COS and COH: Cornish brown and Cornish black) were used. Allele size per locus was decided using GeneMapper Software (v 5.0). A total of 195 alleles were observed and the range was 3 to 14 per locus. The MNA, $H_{\exp}$, $H_{obs}$, PIC value within population were the highest in KNY (4.60, 0.627, 0.648, 0.563 respectively) and the lowest in HYD (1.84, 0.297, 0.286, 0.236 respectively). The results of genetic uniformity analysis suggested 15 cluster (${\Delta}K=66.22$). Excluding JJC, the others were grouped in certain cluster with high genetic uniformity. JJC was not grouped in certain cluster but grouped in cluster 2 (44.3%), cluster 3 (17.7%) and cluster8 (19.1%). As a results of this study, we can secure a scientific basis about KNC's uniqueness and these results can be use to basic data for the genetic evaluation and management of KNC breeds.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.70-99
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• 2021

Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

• Atmosphere
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.275-295
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• 2023

In Korea, there are four institutions related to atmospheric science: the university's atmospheric science-related department, the Korea Meteorological Administration (KMA), the ROK Air Force Weather Group, and the Meteorological Industry Association. These four institutions have developed while maintaining a deep cooperative relationship with the Korea Meteorological Society (KMS) for the past 60 years. At the university, 6,986 bachelors, 1,595 masters, and 505 doctors, who are experts in meteorology and climate, have been accredited by 2022 at 7 universities related to atmospheric science. The KMA is carrying out national meteorological tasks to protect people's lives and property and foster the meteorological industry. The ROK Air Force Weather Group is in charge of military meteorological work, and is building an artificial intelligence and space weather support system through cooperation with universities, the KMA, and the KMS. Although the Meteorological Industry Association has a short history, its members, sales, and the number of employees are steadily increasing. The KMS greatly contributed to raising the national meteorological service to the level of advanced countries by supporting the development of universities, the KMA, the Air Force Meteorological Agency, and the Meteorological Industry Association.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.281-312
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• 2011

The aim of this study is to examine various life conditions of actors of Joseon periods in unofficial historical stories. Yadam Literature(Korean unofficial historical stories) had been collected Sadaebu(the past Korean nobility and Confucian intelligentsia) among the people that stories had been handed down orally. and they had been wrote them. So Yadam Literature was heterozygous between the folk culture and the ruling class. And it was mixed and adapted legends and folktales, adding literary imagination. had a decisive role to cultivating novel that owed much to prosaic inspiration during A. D. 18~19. Besides, set a high value on excellent novel itself. Yadam Literature had a verisimilitude because it described a contemporary reality as it was founded on freely prosaic inspiration. In those days, so called Suchok and Seunggwangdae had performed Uhee(a comic theatrical performance) in Joseon periods. Suchok was the lowest class of people and Seunggwangdae was performing Buddhist monk in that time. Uhee had performed three kinds of comedies. One satirized and insinuated kings. Other satirized corrupt officials, too. Another had mimic everything. It is famous at that time as a king knew repertoire. Confucian scholars very were fond of Uhee in those ages. Because they favored a criticism of Uhee's satire. They thought that it gave people good lesson or instruction. Heri Bergson said that comic and Humor included lesson. At that time, those thought were universal in the world whether east or west. At any rate, I classify six kinds of types Uhee in Yadam Literature. First, satirizing and accusing corrupt officials. Second, an actor who use a satire in order to appeal secure a government position of his lord to a king. Third, shamans and actors who use a satire in order to appeal sufferings themselves to a king. Forth, actors and performing Buddhist monks that skillfully mimic anything. Fifth, describing actor's extremely miserable life. Sixth, wit and humor of actors. The contents of Uhee were various. Korean traditional actors adeptly dealt with aspects comic of wit, satire, humor, etc. Sometimes they used changeable transition them. By doing that, a great number of people enjoyed fully the sense of freedom. Korean traditional actors were the lowest class of people. They had lived extremely miserable life. But they had been exist as actions, interactions, and relationship in society those days. they were not only open to people, but also might foster community to peoples.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.102-142
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• 2023

The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.59-68
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• 2000

This survey investigated on the degree of acknowledgment, intake frequency and using methods of wild grasses of the residents in Kyeonggi, Kangwon, Chunnam, Chungbook, Kyeongnam & Cheju area. The results were as follows: 1. An answer that impression of wild grasses is 'nature food' was the highest(42.6%). It was founded that interest of nature food has been increasing. 2. It has been shown that the most common method for elimination of astringent taste is to blanch and then wash several times with water.(62.9%) 3. The most common obtaining routes was traditional market. It has been shown that rate of gathering in the fields is higher in rural community and the group of over 60 years old than that of urban community and the other groups. 4. In rural area, people(28.7%) ate wild grasses more frequently than in urban area. Family with the old and the group of over 40 years old eat wild grass often. 5. More than 95% of answerers were familiar with the names of wild grasses, codonopsis lanceolata, chinese bellflower, braken, mugwort, wild rocambole and edible shoots of a fatsia & Korean lettuce are known to them with over 88.6%, 85.1% respectively. Frequently eaten wild grasses were braken, chinese bellflower, wild tocambole, codonopsis lanceolata, mugwort and korean lettuce orderly. But in Chunnam & Kyeongnam, they were braken, chinese bellflower, mugwort, wild rocambole and Korean lettuce orderly. 6. Wild grasses eaten with rice were total 25 species, and mugwort had the highest usage rate with 41.9%. Mugwort was used for $D'{\breve{o}}k$(rice cake)(77.8%), T'wigim $J{\breve{o}}n$(deep fat fried dish swallow fat fried dish)(50.1%) and liquor(4.6%). In the cooking of Guk(soup), Chigae(stew), Sengch'ae(raw vegetable) and kinds of wild grasses for Namul(cooked seasonal vegetable) & Bokkum(saute) are the most various with 58 species, especially braken was most commonly used for saute. Sedum & Korean lettuce were the common ingredients of Kimch and codonopsis lanceolata was used in liquer & Jangachis(pickle) with 40%, 46% each. Chinese bellflower was used with the most variable cooking method. 7. 43 species of wild grasses were stored by blanching and drying, and braken had the highest rate(32.3%) then aster scaber, flowering fern, Pimpinella brachycarpa, mugwort and ligularia orderly.

• Asian-Australasian Journal of Animal Sciences
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.185-191
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• 2005

An experiment was conducted to study the effect of feeding ammoniated wheat straw treated with HCl on blood biochemical profiles in growing male buffalo (Bubalus bubalis) calves. Twenty-four growing male buffalo calves (one year of age, 88.54${\pm}$3.81 kg average body weight) were divided into three groups in a completely randomized design on the basis of their body weight. Animals in all the three groups were fed on concentrate mixture. In addition, they were offered wheat straw, ammoniated wheat straw (4% urea at 50% moisture level) and HCI treated ammoniated wheat straw (4% urea at 50% moisture level and HCl added to trap 30% of the NH3 evolved) in groups I, II and III, respectively for a period of 180 days, as per Kearl (1982) for body weight gain of 500 g/d. In all diets, concentrate:roughage ratio was fixed at 50:50 and were made isonitrogenous by adjusting CP levels of conc. mixtures. Blood was collected from jugular vein of each buffalo calf at the beginning and subsequently at two months interval of experimental feeding. Due to urea-ammoniation, the CP content of wheat straw increased from 2.90 to 6.96% and addition of HCl along with urea further increased the CP content to 10.09%. In all the three groups, the mean values of plasma glucose (mg %) and serum globulin (g %), showed a decreasing trend, while the mean value of serum TP (g %), serum A:G ratio, serum urea (mg %), serum creatinine (mg %), serum ALP (KA units), SGOT (units/ml.), SGPT (units/ml), serum T$_3$ and T$_4$ (ng/ml) showed an increasing trend with the advancement of feeding period. The cumulative period mean values of serum TP (6.15 to 6.20 g %), serum albumin (3.07 to 3.18, g %), serum globulin (2.98 to 3.09, g %), serum A:G ratio (1.03 to 1.10), serum ALP (23.15 to 23.63, KA units), serum T$_3$ (1.20 to 1.23 ng/ml) and serum T$_4$ (21.33 to 21.88 ng/ml) were comparable among the groups. The cumulative period mean plasma glucose (mg %) in group III (57.28) was similar to groups I (55.31) and II (59.41), however, the cumulative period mean plasma glucose in group II was significantly (p<0.01) higher than group I. The cumulative period mean serum urea (mg %) in group III (47.34) was significantly (p<0.001) higher than group I (38.38) and II (42.24), which were statistically alike. However, the cumulative period mean serum creatinine values (mg %) in groups II (1.43) and III (1.52) were similar and were significantly (p<0.01) higher than group I (1.24). The cumulative period mean SGOT (units/ml) in groups I, II and III was 91.71, 96.04 and 96.64, respectively. Similarly the cumulative period mean SGPT (units/ml) was 19.00, 19.93 and 20.01 in groups I, II and III, respectively. The cumulative period mean values of SGOT (p<0.05) and SGPT (p<0.001) in groups II and III were similar and were significantly higher than group I. The cumulative period mean serum T$_3$ and T$_4$ values in groups I (1.21 and 21.81), II (1.23 and 21.42) and III (1.20 and 21.33) were comparable. From the present study it may be concluded that feeding of AWS treated with and without HCI to growing male buffalo calves for 180 days had no significant adverse effect on blood biochemical profile.