• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.305-327
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• 2005

Although the stone pagoda in Mireuk Temple site, Iksan, Cholla Province has been collapsed long time ago, few historical record has clearly explained the reason why the pagoda was collapsed and when. The west side of the pagoda have been destroyed from top to the sixth floor and the broken or damaged stone materials have been piled up in disorder. the lower part in the west was reinforced and enclosed by a stone embankment levelled to the height of the first storey of the pagoda. With no record informing the historical fact when it was made and by whom, it is only presumed that the embankment may have been built long time ago in order to prevent remains from further destruction. In the second chapter of the study, it has been tried to restore a reasonable historical background of the pagoda based on records or comments found in literatures such as traditional poetry and essays in chronological order. The collapsed slope in the west side, just above the embankment surrounding the lower part of the pagoda, was concreted in 1915 during the Japanese colonial period. Then in 1998, the Jeollabukdo has examined the structural safety of the pagoda. The Cultural Properties Committee has decided have the concrete layer removed and moreover to take apart the whole pagoda. It is also included that the disassembled stone materials should be given proper conservation treatments before being put into the place where they were in the reassembling process. The front view of the collapsed phase of the pagoda was revealed when the concrete-covered layer was removed. A hypothesis was built that there may be as many different appearances of collapsed pagoda depending on natural causes such as earthquake, sunken foundation, flood and typhoon. In chapter three, characteristic features were classified by examining various images of pagodas destroyed by different natural reasons mentioned in historical records. The chapter four dealt with comparison and analysis on the conditions shown in the stone pagoda in Mireuk Temple site and other examples studied in advance. The result of the study revealed that though having been made higher than the ground surface, the podium or the base of the pagoda actually has been eroded by rain and water. The erosion is supposed not only to have been proceeded for a long time without break but also to have caused the first storey body stone in the west inclined to outward. It has come to a conclusion that the pagoda may have been lead to collapse when the first storey body stone, supporting the whole weight from the upper storeys, became out of upright position and lost its balance. However, no such distinctive features of structural changes shown in pagodas collapsed by natural causes like earthquake, typhoon or sunken basement, have been found in the stone pagoda in Mireuk Temple site.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.315-353
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• 2017

This study examined the music policies of the three kings, Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo, who were in power for about 200 years from the late 15th century to the early 17th century. These three kings deserve attention in musical history for different reasons. Sungjong published "Gugjooryeui"(1474), "Gyeong-gugdaejeon"(1476), and "Aghaggwebeom"(1493), the typical etiquette books, law books, and musical books that take the most important position in the history of Joseon, so his direction of music policy deserves attention. Jungjong was the king who rose to the throne after there was a revolt against Yeonsangun's tyranny. Injo ascended to the throne by starting a military coup d'etat himself. One may wonder how the aspect of music policies developed by a king, who was crowned by a revolt, is different from other cases. As each of these three kings had different background of enthronement and the contents of music policies in the royal family also developed with different emphasis, this study examined each aspect separately. Sungjong emphasized the importance of music and regarded it important to cultivate officials who know music. To this end, he gave a special order to Yejo(the office of protocol) and this study tried to clarify the contents first. In addition, this study examined the process, contents, and meaning of various modification works related to the revision of the lyrics used in the ceremonies. Jungjong supplemented the institutional aspects of music. This is the result of expressing the will to correct the anomalous and reckless music policies of the period of Yeonsangun. In addition, many words in the lyrics had been about Buddhist doctrines and love songs between male and female, so there were efforts to reform these. As for the period of Injo, this study examined the music policies that were made in the process of resolving the crisis after the war. It was a time when court musicians were scattered after two times of war and it was not possible to hold the national ritual properly, so music policies in this period were different from the ones in stable era. This study covered discussions on the measures to collect lost instruments and scattered musicians. It also looked at how the restoration effort was made in the situation that the music used in ancestral rites was abolished.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.93-126
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• 2009

This study is about a event, which happened on January of 1603 in Hamheung. It has covered from the beginning through the conclusion of the event. The event was ignited by a naturalized citizen, Guilsang's coming to the capital city without permission from the government. With this study I've wished to find the situations of specific management of naturalized citizens as well as popular attitudes towards them at the time. Concerning with the event of Guilsang, I could find more detailed situations from "Naturalization Registration". The reason why Guilsang came to Seoul was that he wanted to ask for living together with his son-in-law's family in Yang-Ju. Before his coming, Bie-Byun-Sa had sent a official letter to the governor of Hamkyung-Do so that he had had to move somewhere between Anbyun and Yung-heung. But Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family in Seoul. The place he visited first was Sa-Yuk-Won. He presented his petition through Yeozin language translator there. Sa-Yuk-Won then informed Ye-Jo to have him investigated. After its investigation, Ye-Jo reported to the king. There were arguments about Guilsang family in the government. Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family, including his relatives and son-in-law. Guilsang's request had more pros than cons in terms of humanism. But letting him live in Seoul was a difficult decision for the government. but his family strenuously insisted on living in Seoul, trying to kill itself. Finally Government selected Yong-In which was a compromise between the naturalized citizens' wish and difficult position of Government. Yong-In Miejo-Hyun was a poor region where naturalized citizens had lived before but now empty after the wars. In the process of the event of Guilsang, Government differentiated naturalized citizens from general citizens and regarded them foreign. A man from Yeozin was naturalized due to economic reason. But, he couldn't accept to live somewhere except Seoul, separating from his family. Government concerned with dangers of naturalized citizen becoming into foreign agents and stabilization of borders. These concerns caused the policy of residential control and decentralization of naturalized citizens failed.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.63-88
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• 2009

This paper was a quest of pattern of holding "Dae Hak - the Great Learning" during Joseon Period having investigated the characteristics of the Essentials of the Studies of the Sages(聖學輯要, Seong Hak Jibyo) that was compiled by Lee I was a reinterpretation of the Great Learning, and also academic enrichment. During the period of Joseon Dynasty, the Great Learning had held the most important position as core scripture in the intellectual society that pursued Seong Hak(聖學, sage learning). Throughout the Joseon Period, the Great Learning was the essential text for the Emperorship Learning(帝王學, Jewang Hak) as well as Seong Hak, and it can also be said that Seong Hak Jibyo compiled by Yulgok - the courtesy name of Lee I, was the comprehensive collections thereof. While compiling Seong Hak Jibyo, Yulgok presented a model of Seong Hak of Joseon, which was based on "the Great Learning". Yul Gok organized the system of "Seong Hak Jibyo" largely in five parts, and properly arranged the Three Cardinal Principles(三綱領, samgangryeong) and Eight Articles or Steps(八條目, paljomok) therein. Particularly, in the Chapter Two, "Cultivating Oneself(修己, sugi)", Yulgok deal with 'being able to manifest one's bright virtue'(明明德, myeong myeong deok) among the Three Cardinal Principles as the core curriculum, meanwhile, Yulgok also covered "Investigation of things, gyeongmul(格物)," "Extension of knowledge, chiji(致知)," "Sincerity of the will, Seongui(誠意)," "Rectification of the mind, Jeongshim(正心)," "Cultivation of the personal life, susin(修身)," among Paljomok(eight steps) as the ultimate purpose of 'Stopping in perfect goodness'(止於至善, jieojiseon) These well preserve the principal system of Confucianism where "Cultivating oneself and regulating others (修己治人, sugichiin)" are core value, and his instructions as such also back up academic validity logically by presenting specific guidelines for practice according to each domain. Reinterpretation of "The Great Learning" by Yulgok in Seong Hak Jibyo is an arena to investigate the characteristics of Confucianism in Joseon Period, which was different from that of China, furthermore, such guidelines might take a role as criteria to understand the characteristics of humans and learning possessed by Korean people.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.18
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• pp.1-27
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• 1975

Experiment I: A field experiment was conducted in an attempt to find the effect of top-dressing at heading time in different levels of nitrogen application and of different positioned leaf blades formed by the treatment of leaf defoliation at heading time on the ripening and the yield of rice. The results obtained are as follows: 1. Average number of ears per hill and average number of grains per ear in different levels of nitrogen application were increased as the amount of nitrogen applied was increased. while the rate of ripened grains the yield of rough rice and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice were decreased respectively as the amount of nitrogen applied was increased. 2. The rate of ripened grains and the weight of 1.000 kernels of brown rice in different levels of nitrogen, top-dressing at heading time were larger than those in control and increased. The yield of rough rice although statistically significant differences were not recognized, were numerically increased. 3. The rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different treatments of leaf defoliation were remarkably decreased as the degree of leaf-defoliation became larger. 4. The rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different combinations of number of remained leaves positioned differently, formed the order of $L_1(flag leaf)>L_2>L_3>L_4$ when only one leaf blade was remained, and were increased as the positions of leaves were higher when two leaf blades. were, remained. 5. In case of decrease in the number of leaf blades positioned differently, by the treatment of leaf. defoliation, rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling were increased as the area of remained leaves became larger and the nitrogen content of a leaf blade was increased. 6. There was a tendency that the increase in the amount of fertilizer application made the rate of ripened grains and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice reduced in any number of remained leaf blades, but the application of top-dressing at heading. time resulted in the reverse tendency. The yield of rough rice showed a tendency to be increased as the amount of basal dressing and top-dressing increased and for the application of top-dressing at heading time, the yield of rough rice was less at the smaller number of those. 7. The productivity effect of the rate of ripened grains and the yield of brown rice covered by leaf blades was more than 50 per cent and that of the. weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice was not more than 1.0 percent. As the amount of nitrogen application increased the. effect of leaf blades on the rate of ripened. grains and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice was increased. The effect of leaf blades on the weight of brown rice was increased as the amount of basal dressing-application, but the effect was decreased as the amount of top-dressing at heading time increased, 8. The productivity effects of different positioned leaf blades on the rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice were in order of $L_1(flag leaf)>L_2>L_3>L_4$ the productivity effects of $L_1$ and $L_2$ had a tendency to be increased as the amount of nitrogen applied was increased. Experiment II: A field experiment was done in order to disclose the effect of the time of nitrogen application on yield component and the effect of different positioned leaves formed by leaf defoliation at heading time on the rate of ripened grains and the yield of rice. The results obtained are as follows: 1. Average number of ears per hill was increased in the treatment of nitrogen application from basal dressing to 22 days before heading and in the treatment of application distributed weekly. Number of grains was increased in the treatment of nitrogen application from 36 days to 15 days before heading. The rate of ripened grains was, lower in the treatment of nitrogen application from top-dressing to 15 days before heading than in that of non-application, was higher in the treatment of nitrogen application within 8 days before heading, and was the lowest in that of application 29 days before heading. The yield of rough rice was the highest in the treatment of nitrogen application from 29 days to 22 days before heading. The weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice was a little high in the treatment of application from 29 days to 8 days before heading. 2. The rate of ripened grains the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different treatments of leaf defoliation were remarkably decreased as the degree of leaf defoliation got larger and there were highly significant differences among treatments. There was also a recognized interaction between the time of nitrogen application and leaf defoliation. 3. In relation to the rate of ripened grains, the weight of 1. 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different numbers of remained leaves positioned differently and their combinations, the yield components were in order of $L_1(flag leaf)>L_2>L_3>L_4$ when only one leaf was remained, which indicated that the components were increased as the leaf position got higher. When two laves were remained, the rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice and rate of hulling were high in case of the combinations of upper positioned leaves, and the increase in the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice appeared to be affected most]y by flag leaf. When three leaf blades were remained similarly the components were increased with the combination of upper positioned leaf blades. 4. In case of decreased different positioned leaf blades by treatment of leaf defoliation, there was a significant positive regression between the leaf area, the dry matter weight of leaf blades and the nitrogen contents of leaf blades, and rate of ripened grains and the yield of rough rice, but there was no constant tendency between the former components and the weight of 1. 000 kernels of brown rice. 5. The closer the time of fertilizer application to heading time, the more the rate of ripened grains and the weight of 1, 000 kernels was decreased by defoliation, and the less were the remained leaf blades, the more remarkable was the tendency. The rate of ripened grains and the weight of 1. 000 kernels was increased by the top-dressing after heading time as the number of remained leaf blades. When the number of remained leaf blades was small the yield of rough rice was increased as the time of fertilizer application was closer to heading time. 6. Discussing the productivity effects of different organs in different times of nitrogen application, the productivity effect of a leaf blade on the rate of ripened grains was higher as the time of nitrogen application got later, and in the treatment of non-fertilization the productivity effect of a leaf blade and that of culm were the same. In the productivity effect on the yield of brown rice, the effect of culm covered more than 50 percent independently on the time of nitrogen application, and the tendency was larger in the treatment of non-fertilizer. The productivity effect of culm on the weight of 1. 000 kernels of brown rice was more than 90 percent, and the productivity effect of a leaf blade was increased as the time of application got later. 7. The productivity effect of a leaf blade in different positions on the rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice had a tendency to be increased as the time of application got later and as the position of leaf blades got higher. In the treatment of weekly application through the entire growing period, the rate of ripened grains and the yield of rough rice were affected by flag leaf and the second leaf at the same level, the but the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice was affected by flag leaf with more than 60 percent of the yield of total leaves.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.701-738
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• 2016

The Geomungo(거문고) is a instrument of Gogureoy(高句麗). The instrument had covered a lot of Korea, so it have become a important musical instrument in Korea. Hayasi Genjo(林謙三), Japanese scholar, had maintained his opinion that the Geomungo of Gogureoy is the Wagonghu(臥??), and the Geomungo was formed later, the record of Kimbusik, wrighter of the History of Three Kingdom(三國史記), was incredible. Lee-Hyegu refuted his hypothesis because the introduction on the Wagonghu of Japan have been inaccurate. Since then, many scholars of Korea have studed on the Geomungo of Gogureoy. But their study of the Geomungo was inclined to the topic, relation of the Geomungo and the Wagonghu, or the Wagonghu, the origin of the Geomungo. And They have thought that the record of Kimbusik's was truth. Kimbusik had recorded that Wangsanak(王山岳) had made the Geomungo from the Chilheoyn-Geum(七絃琴, Seven stringed Zither. 古琴). But the Geomungo was different from Geum(琴), but similar to Wagonghu. Many ancient tomb have been unearthed in the old land of Gogureoy, and the were many tomb painting of Gogureoy Geomungo. They were many different style, the form, the size, the number of strings and the position of the musician. So I think that many various type of the Geomungo had been exsited in Gogureoy they had become a prestyle of the Geomungo. The Geomungo was originated from the Wagonghu, its form was similar to the Geomungo. The many scholars considered that it is truth, the Wagonghu was handed down from China, and was spreded to Japan. But there were the Wagonghu in the early Joseon(古朝鮮), The song of the early Joseon, Gongmudohaga(公無渡河歌). The song was accompanied by the Wagonghu. We can read off, at the Song, the Wagonghu had exsisted in the early Joseon. So I think cautiously on that point, the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon was old than that of China, and thd Geomungo of Gogureoy was originated from the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.59-89
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• 2009

The objectives of the 1963 Tokyo Convention cover a variety of subjects, with the intention of providing safety in aircraft, protection of life and property on board, and promoting the security of civil aviation. These objectives will be treated as follows: first, the unification of rules on jurisdiction; second, the question of filling the gap in jurisdiction; third, the scheme of maintaining law and order on board aircraft; fourth, the protection of persons acting in accordance with the Convention; fifth, the protection of the interests of disembarked persons; sixth, the question of hijacking of aircraft; and finally some general remarks on the objectives of the Convention. The Tokyo Convention mainly deals with general crimes such as murder, violence, robbery on board aircraft rather than aviation terrorism. The Article 11 of the Convention deals with hijacking in a simple way. As far as aviation terrorism is concerned 1970 Hague Convention and 1971 Montreal Convention cover the hijacking and sabotage respectively. The Problem of national jurisdiction over the offence and the offender was as tangled at the Hague and Montreal Convention, as under the Tokyo Convention. Under the Tokyo Convention the prime base of jurisdiction is the law of the flag (Article 3), but concurrent jurisdiction is also allowed on grounds of: territorial principle, active nationality and passive personality principle, security of the state, breach of flight rules, and exercise of jurisdiction necessary for the performance of obligations under multilateral agreements (Article 4). No Criminal jurisdiction exercised in accordance with national law is excluded [Article 3(2)]. However, Article 4 of the Hague Convention(hereafter Hague Article 4) and Article 5 of the Montreal Convention(hereafter Montreal Article 5), dealing with jurisdiction have moved a step further, inasmuch as the opening part of both paragraphs 1 and 2 of the Hague Article 4 and the Montreal Article 5 impose an obligation on all contracting states to take measures to establish jurisdiction over the offence (i.e., to ensure that their law is such that their courts will have jurisdiction to try offender in all the circumstances covered by Hague Article 4 and Montreal Article 5). The state of registration and the state where the aircraft lands with the hijacker still on board will have the most interest, and would be in the best position to prosecute him; the paragraphs 1(a) and (b) of the Hague Article 4 and paragraphs 1(b) and (c) of the Montreal Article 5 deal with it, respectively. However, paragraph 1(b) of the Hague Article 4 and paragraph 1(c) of the Montreal Article 5 do not specify if the aircraft is still under the control of the hijacker or if the hijacker has been overpowered by the aircraft commander, or if the offence has at all occurred in the airspace of the state of landing. The language of the paragraph would probably cover all these cases. The weaknesses of Hague Article 4 and Montreal Article 5 are however, patent. The Jurisdictions of the state of registration, the state of landing, the state of the lessee and the state where the offender is present, are concurrent. No priorities have been fixed despite a proposal to this effect in the Legal Committee and the Diplomatic Conference, and despite the fact that it was pointed out that the difficulty in accepting the Tokyo Convention has been the question of multiple jurisdiction, for the reason that it would be too difficult to determine the priorities. Disputes over the exercise of jurisdiction can be endemic, more so when Article 8(4) of the Hague Convention and the Montreal Convention give every state mentioned in Hague Article 4(1) and Montreal Article 5(1) the right to seek extradition of the offender. A solution to the problem should not have been given up only because it was difficult. Hague Article 4(3) and Montreal Article 5(3) provide that they do not exclude any criminal jurisdiction exercised in accordance with national law. Thus the provisions of the two Conventions create additional obligations on the state, and do not exclude those already existing under national laws. Although the two Conventions do not require a state to establish jurisdiction over, for example, hijacking or sabotage committed by its own nationals in a foreign aircraft anywhere in the world, they do not preclude any contracting state from doing so. However, it has be noted that any jurisdiction established merely under the national law would not make the offence an extraditable one under Article 8 of the Hague and Montreal Convention. As far as international aviation terrorism is concerned 1988 Montreal Protocol and 1991 Convention on Marking of Plastic Explosives for the Purpose of Detention are added. The former deals with airport terrorism and the latter plastic explosives. Compared to the other International Terrorism Conventions, the International Aviation Terrorism Conventions do not have clauses of the passive personality principle. If the International Aviation Terrorism Conventions need to be revised in the future, those clauses containing the passive personality principle have to be inserted for the suppression of the international aviation terrorism more effectively. Article 3 of the 1973 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against Internationally Protected Persons, Including Diplomatic Agents, Article 5 of the 1979 International Convention against the Taking of Hostages and Article 6 of the 1988 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime Navigation would be models that the revised International Aviation Terrorism Conventions could follow in the future.