• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

The recent changes in Korean elections are mainly characterized as the downfall of the Conservative party. It is surprising, considering that the conservative party gained the historical support from the electorate in 2012, just several years ago. This paper claims that the downfall of the Conservative party is mostly derived from the perceptual conflicts and inconsistencies in the mind of the conservatives. The findings show clearly both attitude conflicts for the conservatives and its effect of asymmetrical (in)activation of participation. As their preferences to the conservative candidate and party became weaken, the conservatives remained to be inactive participants in elections. On the other hand, the liberals could make political decisions easily, having popular candidate and preferable political party. It suggests that, in order to participate, the electorate needs attractive candidate as well as parties to support in election. To revive as an active political actor, the conservative party should focus on the search of attractive candidates for the conservative electorate and reform the party in accordance with ideological preference of the electorate.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.116-154
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• 2015

Officially given a historical signifier as Gwangju Democratic Movement since 1987, far-right and conservative group have restated that $5{\cdot}18$ is a rebellion and a riot that was committed by rebellious elements who obeyed North Korea's command or who were connected with North Korea. As those who had been responsible for the rebellion, revolt and riot were rewarded, far-right and conservatives' collective narrative that a country was born where the pro-North Korea left became dominated aroused extreme hostility towards $5{\cdot}18$. Far-right and conservatives involved in many different fields such as political party, university, press and media and civil group carry out incendiary discourse politics with intention to reestablish history and memory of $5{\cdot}18$ in their own story. Many people at online sites such as Ilbe Storehouse who are considered 'young right wing' is a main route to spread the far-right groups' remarks on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is a main channel to reconstitute and reproduce the far-right conservatives' remarks and information on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is one of main area where remarks of disparagement and ridicule, hostility and hatred on $5{\cdot}18$ unfurl. This study collects $5{\cdot}18$-related remarks and stories unfolded at Ilbe and examines how these remarks and stories make significance as to $5{\cdot}18$ and how information resources which remarks are dependent upon are connected each other. In this process, this study intends to find implications of incendiary politics that echoed of remarks on $5{\cdot}18$ have which at the online site Ilbe and by the far-right conservatives.

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.5 no.1 s.21
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• pp.10-31
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• 1966

The advance of ''nurse'', in the ture sense of the meaning, dates back to the year 1884, when a coup detat was attempted by the progressive minority against the dominant Conservatives; and when for the first time the Western wisdom of medical science bega

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.12 no.10
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• pp.4348-4353
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• 2011

This paper is based on the Cognitive Linguistics point of view on metaphor. Metaphors are not a matter of language use or rhetorics but of a conceptual frame, where thoughts work. The conceptual frames can highlight one aspect affecting our lives while hiding the other aspect of the facts. Politicians use metaphors to persuade people and justify their political decisions. Lakoff argues that the Republicans in the U.S. have their own conceptual framework based on the 'strict father model' of the conservatives, which can be found in important political speeches. Political metaphors supporting this view are found in the 'Attack on Iraq Speech' by G. H. Bush in 1991 and 'Operation Iraqi Freedom Address' by G. W. Bush in 2003.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.100-120
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• 2011

The inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak symbolizes the success of the "Lost 10 Years" election strategy. This study investigated the meaning of the "Lost 10 Years" strategy and compared this strategy to other traditional propaganda strategies. Although the "Lost 10 Years" is a Grand National Party (GNP) election strategy, it also functions as a conservative propaganda strategy by conservative political groups and media. Thus, this study intends to compare the rhetoric of the GNP with conservative media and find any similarities between the two entities in the context of the "Lost 10 Years" propaganda strategies. This study gathered data from various conservative sources such as the GNP homepage and conservative newspapers to uncover common conservative propaganda messages. The results showed that the first-level propaganda strategies are very similar to the second-level traditional Lasswell strategies. This implies that the "Lost 10 Years" strategy benchmarked traditional propaganda strategies and the GNP won the presidential election because the effectiveness of traditional propaganda strategies was culminated with the support of the conservative media. With these research findings, the study discussed the implications of the propaganda strategies used by conservatives and future research prospects about the subject.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.249-286
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• 2007

This study examines the main characteristics and differences on people's page in selected four national dailies, such as Chosun Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo, Seoul Shinmum and Hankyoreh Shinmun. Both Chosun Ilbo and Joongang Ilbo are categorized as the conservatives; while Seoul Shinmum and Hankyoreh Shinmun as the progressive. This study has been done by applying methods of content analysis to reveal the differences in terms of people's occupations, types of reports, their philosophies, and standards of selecting people by the dailies for the people's pages. The results shows that the conservative newspapers are very similar to the progressive newspapers in terms of occupations and the types of reports, covering the people on people's pages. More specifically, both the conservative dailies and the progressive dailies report the people for whose jobs are related to both social and cultural works. However, the conservative newspapers have much more coverages than the progressive papers in terms of the publicity reporting on the people. The conservatives are also much more reports on the people who are eager to economic success than the progressive dailies; while the progressives papers have much coverages on those who are interesting in helping others than the conservatives papers. Finally, this study reveals that the conservative dailies mainly cover those who are in publicity activities and social elite groups, while the progressive newspapers are the social celebrities and persons of fame in society.

• American Studies
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.169-198
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• 2009

Unlike the Democratic nomination, Republican nomination struggle has ended with an easy victory of Senator John McCain. This paper claims that the easy victory of McCain should not be interpreted as Republican's return to the median voter, because it masks religious schism and ideological discord among the Republicans. Christian rights were still reluctant to support McCain mostly due to his liberal position on social issues. In addition, the conservatives who request stricter immigration policy presented the mixed feeling toward the Republican candidate. Even though McCain chose the harmony inside the Republican party, rather than sticked to his liberal attitude toward social issues during the campaign for 2008 general election, McCain's defeat is unlikely to result in a rapid change in the Republican party.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Women's Health Nursing
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.113-127
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between sexual attitude and risk behaviors, between risk behavior and sexual experiences in Korean girls high school students. The subjects for this study were 522 girls, who were samples from a target population of 63,375 11th grade students from 200 regular high schools and 70 vocational high schools in Seoul. The data were collected from June 22 to July 18, 2002. A structured questionnaire was used that included measurement of general characteristics, sexual attitudes, risk behaviors and sexual experiences. The data were processed with the SAS program, which uses descriptive statistics, t-test, and ANOVA in its an alyses. The results of this study are as follows : 1. The frequency of sexual experience is as follows ; 'holding hands' had the highest percentage, 57.4 7%, followed in order by 'arms around' 50.19%, 'act of embracing' 50.19%, 'kiss' 37.74%, 'french kiss' 30.84%, 'touch breasts' 8.62%, 'touch sexual organs' 3.26%, 'coitus' 2.30%, 'contraception' 0.77%, 'pregnancy' 0.19%, 'abortion' 0.19%, and 'prostitution' 0.19%. 2. The score of conservatives types was significantly different depending upon exposure to pornographic material and drinking. In comparison, the score of permissiveness types was significantly different depending upon exposure to pornographic material, drinking, and running away from home. But the score of pleasure seeking types was not significantly different than that of the risk behaviors types. 3. There was statistically significant difference in the sexual experience depending upon exposure to pornographic material, drinking, smoking, and running away from home. 4. In the relationship between sexual attitude types and sexual experience, there was a negative correlation between the conservatives types and sexual experiences such as 'holding hands', 'arms around', 'act of embracing', 'kiss', 'french kiss', 'touch breasts', 'touch sexual organs', and 'coitus'. There was a positive correlation between the permissiveness types and sexual experiences such as 'holding hands', 'arms around', 'act of embracing', 'kiss', 'french kiss', 'touch breasts', 'touch sexual organs', and 'coitus'. There was also a positive correlation between the pleasure-seeking types and sexual experiences such as 'touch sexual organ', 'contraceptions', 'pregnancy', and 'prostitution'. Based on the finding of this study, this society should develop a integrated program to prevent risk behaviors and sexual experiences in girls high school students.