• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.50
• /
• pp.139-169
• /
• 2016

Nakron School of the ruling Noron Party in late Joseon Dynasty was at the helm of state with Neo-Confucian ideology and it came out of being obsessed with conventional 'spiritual' aspects and changed both political and academic atmosphere with interests in 'matters.' The power leading such a change was scholars in Seoksil Seowon (石室書院) which centered around Kim Won-Haeng (金元行). However, except for few progressive scholars-Bukhak scholars (北學論者), most of Nakron scholars secretly acknowledged the actuality of Qing Dynasty but they failed to get out of old Neo-Confucian traditions. It was difficult for them to accept Bukhak theory which jeopardized the existence of administration. They sought plans both to keep Neo-Confucian traditions and Sinocentrism in Joseon and to reach the cultural level of Qing Dynasty and in that process, they recognized restoration of the statecraft study (經世學) summarized on Seongridaejeon as an alternative. Hwang Yun-Seok is a representative Neo-Confucian scholar in such response of Nakron. He rediscovered value of the science of xiangshu in the Neo-Confucian category and highlighted importance of Seongridaejeon yet again.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
• /
• v.39 no.1
• /
• pp.133-146
• /
• 2015

King and Crown Prince's Gwanbok (冠服) written in "Goryeosa" Yeobokji was the bestowment of robes and crowns by the Son of Heaven who yielded hegemony over East Asia. It designated the King and Crown Prince of Goryeo as real and authentic as well as confirmed the political status of Goryeo in East Asia. In "Goryeosa" Yeobokji, the King's Gwanbok is of higher stature than the adornments of the King's ritual robes (祭服) and court robes (朝服) which held a domestic political significance. In East Asia, bestowment of voiture (車) and robe (服) usually appeared in the multistate system. In the $10^{th}$ century, the Later Jin (後晋) spread the idea of investiture and bestowment to Khitan (契丹). The Liao (遼) or Khitan and the Jin (金), the Conquest Dynasties, endeavored to establish the legitimacy of the Son of Heaven by imitating Sinocentrism by means of investiture and bestowment. In the reign of XingZong (興宗) and DaoZong (道宗) of Liao, the ritual of investiture and bestowment for Goryeo was in the making, adding titles and bestowments in the occasion of the elevation of Emperor Liao's honorific title. King Munjong (文宗) of Goryeo reached 9-bestowment which symbolized the first of the feudal lords in East Asia. This exceptional respect for Goryeo went on to Jin's investiture and bestowment. From then, 9-bestowment was defined as an international decorum (禮) toward Goryeo. This historical study of Gwanbok (冠服) of "Goryeosa", indicates: First, the King's Ceremonial Robe with Nine-symbol Design were designated from the early to middle of the Goryeo Dynasty by investiture and bestowment from the Conquest Dynasties. Second, the bestowed King's Robe and Crown had simultaneous functions for domestic order and international order. Goryeo did not follow ideological Sinocentrism but followed practical interest by accepting Confucian Li (禮) philosophy passed on through the Conquest Dynasties.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.54
• /
• pp.185-220
• /
• 2017

This study analyzes the behavior of China in the international context of East Asia based on the in-depth understanding of Confucian Sino-centrism. The rise of China is a dream to be realized for Chinese while actually it is regarded as new threats for the neighboring countries. It is therefore no surprise that the neighboring countries that once subordinated themselves to China voluntarily feel threatened by the resurrection of China. The reason is that China is pursuing hegemony based on China's stronger power rather than seeking culture and morality as they did in the past. The new hegemonic pattern seems not to contribute to the China's profit, only to increase the tension among North East Asia. That's because the neighboring countries are active in expanding military expenses with strengthening ties with the US. In this context, is it possible that China can rise gently without threatening the neighbors? There must be a way. It is that China will be born as a superpower with Confucian morality as the way the Confucian Sino-centrism is intended. When the neighboring countries are impressed by the way the China treats them with moral virtues, the leadership of China will be strengthened of itself. It is the most desirable way of realizing the dream of China.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.97-129
• /
• 2008

Sin-jeokdo (Hogye, 1574-1663) was a general of patriotic army who protected the region of Euseong at the time of Qing dynasty's invasion in 1627(Jungmyo) and 1636(Byongja). He was an prominent figure outside government as well as a faithful confucian who spent his life with reading and teaching junior scholars after disgraceful treaty in the year of Byongja. Hogye understood the neo-Confucianism in terms of the whole duty of men(綱常) and righteousness(義理) which was in the status of sole official academic subject and thought its practice only hinged upon the practice of filial piety and brotherly love together with loyalty and sincerity based on morals between sovereign and subject, father and son. He, therefore, emphasized that the righteousness only can be accomplished by dying of children and subjects for filial piety and fidelity respectively, at the time of commotion. This was his spirit of righteousness which repelled Japanese army in the Imjin War and he insisted on defeating Japanese army in accordance with this spirit. Hogye's practice of righteousness is grounded on the spirit of Chosun Confucianism which stressed actual practices of moral principles and duties. His practice of righteousness shows internalized cultural sinocentrism and moral-centric, ethic-centric characteristic of Chosun Confucianism. Moreover, the moral consciousness which was shown in Hogye's thought helped to keep Korean's pride and observe morality and it served itself as a basis of commencement of nationalistic military, religious movements afterwards.