• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.85-107
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• 2016

Cho Ji-hoon was a leading figure on the discussion of recognition on Han Yong-un, particularly the post-liberation period. During the Japanese colonial era, he addressed Han Yong-un as the representative of national poet, and evaluated Han's poems as the models of rebellious nationalistic poetry. Such evaluation by Cho set the precedent of basic perspectives and methodologies on how to recognize Han Yong-un in the present day. This paper analyzes three studies on Han Yong-un, conducted by Cho ji-hoon. We also examine how Cho created his logic of recognizing Han as a national poet, and his poems as nationalistic poetry. Accordingly, this paper has separated recognitions on poet studies and work studies, and further explored how each recognition has consistency with Cho ji-hoon's historical and literary perception. As a result, the following has been concluded: the basis of Cho ji-hoon's recognition on the life and works of Han Yong-un was premised on Cho's understanding of the world from a standpoint of history of ideas, the concept of nation was regarded as an absolute value that binds disparate ideas together, and the combination of nationalism and poetry has been expressed through the logic of nationalistic poetry and the notion which equalizes the poet to a classical scholar. It was further concluded that such equalizing logic contains some logical contradictions derived from integration between universal rights and national sovereignty, and nation and Buddhism. Therefore, it can be said that other possible interpretations on the role of a poet were not fully discussed, but remain bounded. Last but not the least, this paper critically tries to perceive Cho's recognition on Han Yong-un, and accentuates the necessity of new interpretations of Han's poems, apart from those based on nationalism.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.70-85
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• 2011

The study of the modern art market and distribution differs in its research focus from that of traditional art history, which traces and analyzes the works of master artists, their schools and influence, in that it attempts to approach such issues as art and society, and distribution and consumption of works of art, based on new research methods and perspectives. This paper examines the life and art collection activities of Park Yeong-cheol, considered to be one of the earliest major modern Korean art collectors. He graduated from the Japanese military academy and served as both a solider of the Greater Korean Empire and a high level officer of the Japanese army. After being discharged, he served as Governor of Gangwon-do and then Hamgyeongbuk-do, and after his retirement from public office, he became a leading businessman. He is well-known as a Japanese sympathizer who approved of and advocated for the aggressive colonial policies of the Japanese empire. As a cultural enthusiast and art collector, however, Park Yeong-cheol published the most accurate edition of Yeonamjip, and donated his collection to Geyongseong University at the end of his life, thus providing the foundation for the Seoul National University Museum. All of these activities are highly commendable. His interest in growing his collection of paintings and calligraphies was largely motivated by his love of paintings and Chinese poems,but it also appears to have been the result of his active collaboration with the Japanese government's policy of trying to discover the distinct, non-western characteristics of traditional Eastern art.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.254-275
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• 2018

Taiwan and Korea have common memories of colonization by Japan. Therefore, for researchers studying colonial times, the two countries are becoming good comparative studies. In this article, a comparison of cultural properties systems between Taiwan and Joseon revealed the following. First, from a legal point of view, Japan's internalism was reflected to some extent in Taiwan. Accordingly, Taiwan's "Enforcement regulations for Historical scenic spot scenic natural monument storage method(short, Enforcement regulations)" was subordinate to Japanese law, and the Joseon's "Enforcement ordinances for Treasure and Historical scenic spot scenic natural monument storage method in Joseon(short, Enforcement ordinances)" was less than the preservation order of Taiwan. But it is not possible to equate the two differences to Japan's oppressive levels. Second, while the Joseon's "Enforcement ordinances" enactment referred to relevant laws that were promulgated in Japan, it is highly likely that Taiwan's "Enforcement regulations" When establishing Joseon's "Enforcement ordinances" order, it is reasonable to assume that all laws concerning cultural properties of Japan and Taiwan were taken into consideration. Third, the difference between Taiwan and Joseon in the quantity and content designated as cultural properties was huge. The difference in the designated quantity between Taiwan and Joseon was the difference between traditional cultural resources between the two regions, which led to 14 times more cultural properties designated in Joseon than in Taiwan. And while nearly half of Taiwan's history was the vestiges of Japan's ruling power, few of the ancient sites designated by the Joseon had traces of Japanese ruling forces. This is the result of a difference in the views that the two powers had on cultural properties.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.40
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• pp.95-130
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• 2014

Three frequently used documents by researchers on the Japanese colonial period-Classified Police Records of the Japanese Government-General of korea on the Anti-Japanese Movement 舊 朝鮮總督府 警務局 抗日獨立運 動關係 秘密記錄, Trial Records of Gyeongseong District Court 京城地方法院 裁判記錄 and Filed Documents of Gyeongseong District Court 京城地方法院 編綴文書(while the latter two were collected by the National Institute of Korean History, the former was collected by Asiatic Research Institute of Korea University)-are among the same records group that the Prosecutor's Office of Gyeongseong District Court produced through registration and compilation. As contents related to ideology suppression and thought control were numerous, it could be assumed that most of the materials were produced by the 'Department of Ideology' of the Prosecutor's Office. By examining the administrative records of the 1920's within this group, the process of how the 'Department of Ideology' was formed is clearly shown. As ideological movements for Korea's independence and revolution grew, execution of regulations was further expanded by the Prosecutor's Office. Since the mid-1920's, information on ideology had been separated from general information, was routinely collected heavily, and was considered more valuable than the general information. By the end of the 1920's, the term Ideology Prosecutor 思想係 檢事(meaning a prosecutor who specializes in ideology verification) and the named 'Department of Ideology'(思想部) emerged on the records.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-98
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• 2021

This paper examines the ways in which Hollywood feature films produced and widely circulated with the establishment of the studio system was consumed in the ethnically segregated Korean movie theaters in Kyǒngsǒng in the 1920s. Focusing on how those theaters appropriated what Hollywood represented, this paper has three objectives. First, from a historical and economic perspective, I will historicize the emergence of so-called prestige pictures and how movies became a branded product in that process. Second, I will also loot at how Chosǒn Theater, one of the earliest movie theaters in the Korean-resident area in Kyǒngsǒng who sought to be a prestigious movie palace actively exploited Hollywood brand, by foregrounding its Paramount connection, in particular. Lastly, through a close reading of weekly programmes and handbills, I will examine how these promotional print materials, as an intermediating medium, helped to supplement the audiences' viewing of Hollywood movies while creating loyal audiences.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.8
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• pp.243-253
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• 2019

Geyonggi-geommu have developed based on the long history of Korean sword dance. Han Sung-joon, the great master of modern music and dance of Korea during the Japanese colonial period, collected and reconstructed folk dances that had disappeared or were cut off due to the policy to obliterate Korean culture through Chosun Music Dance Research Society. Since then, it has been passed down to Kang Sun-young and Kim Geun-hee that has designated as the Intangible Cultural Property No. 53. of Geyonggi-do in 2011. This study focuses on highlighting the uniqueness of Geyonggi-geommu for proper modeling and transmission of Geyonggi-geommu with historical significance so as to understand and preserve the Intangible Cultural Heritage. This study examines the transmission system of Geyonggi-geommu, followed by Kang Sun-young and Kim Geun-hee, originated by the master Han Sung-Joon of Geyonggi-geommu. Geyonggi-geommu has its uniqueness of using the pure Korean dance terminology established by the holder Kim Geun-hee at the time of designation of intangible cultural properties in Gyeonggi-do. The unique features of Geyonggi-geommu are performed and transmitted in two forms, Daemu(Group dance) and Holchum(Solo dance) which are not currently found in other regions. This is meaningful to passed down according to the original form of Geommu(Sword dance). In particular, the Holchum(Solo dance) is a form of artistic dance, showing the beauty of the sword dance during the Chosun Dynasty. In short, Gyeonggi-geommu can be described as an artistic dance with a soft and strong temperament considering its unique features.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.29-51
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• 2010

The diversity of Southeast Asia can be also represented at the tremendous number of ethnic groups residing throughout its various regions even beyond national boundaries. What does it mean by the composite of numerous peoples? It has triggered a lot of problems in a nation or overall Southeast Asia. Among them, the most serious one seems to be ethnic conflicts having damaged national integration and caused political, economical, and social instability. In that respect, Karen people have been a minority group situated in the most chronic dispute in Myanmar. Since 1947 some of the Karen equipped with armed forces have been fighting against the military government currently ruling Myanmar. As the result, the refugees over 200,000 population had moved to the mountain camps located at neighboring Thailand, attracting a lot of attention throughout international societies. According to 1931 census by British colonial government, the Karen have the greatest numbers in population as minority and include 16 subgroups including Karenni(Kayah) and Pa-O seemingly excluded from its category in contemporary point of view. It means that Karen people should not be regarded as an ethnic group, and in fact do not show a homogeneous identity under the title of Karen. Given the situation, we need to reconsider the category of Karen. What does the Karen mean in a real sense? Previous studies on the Karen had been performed mainly by anthropologists or missionaries such as Marshall(1922), Hamilton (1976), Hanson Tadaw(1959), Smeaton(1920), Keyes(1979), Hayami (1992; 2004), etc. Most of them examined the Karen as a group and ignored the possibilities of representing the divergent identities vis-à-vis their subgroups. Therefore, they have focused on the myth to convert Karen people to Christianity, although the Christian Karens are less than 20% of total population. As a result, I argue that they would fail to define the real meaning of Karen. It has been caused us to recognize the Karen as a meaningless total entity to be accepted by all means. According to their arguments, the difference among Karen's subgroups is just dealt with the trivial matters that do not affect the ethnic boundary itself, still maintaining the ethnic identity as Karen. As we shall see on this thesis, this is never the case. My thesis aims at uncovering and scrutinizing the real meaning of the category of Karen. For the purpose of it, I will consider Karen people as a linguistic group from the beginning as shown in 1931 census. I argue that the Karen have been affected or exposed by various conditions or environments throughout the harsh history having happened on the areas of current Myanmar and Thailand, leading the vicissitudes of their ethnic identities.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.53-56
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• 2014

Hong Kong, a well-known metropolis characterized by skyscrapers on both sides of the Victoria Harbour, consists mainly of 3 parts, namely the Hong Kong Island, the Kowloon peninsula and the New Territories (N.T.) which is the land area north of Kowloon plus a number of outlying islands. Located in the N.T. are all the new towns, market towns; and in the plains and valleys lie scattered village houses of not more than 3 storeys within the confines of well-defined village. These village houses are governed by a rural housing policy that could be traced back to the very beginning of the former British administration in the N.T. By the Convention of Peking of 1898, the N.T., comprising the massive land area north of Kowloon up to Shenzhen River and 235 islands, was leased to Britain by China for 99 years from 1st July 1898. Soon after occupation, the colonial government conducted a survey of this uncharted territory from 1899 to 1903, and set up a land court to facilitate all land registration work and to resolve disputed claims. By 1905, the Block Crown Leases with Schedule of Lessees and details of the lots, each with a copy of the lot index plan (Demarcation Plan) were executed. Based on the above, Crown rent rolls were prepared for record and rent collection purposes. All grants of land thereafter are known as New Grant lots. After completion and execution of the Block Crown Lease in 1905, N.T. villagers had to purchase village house lots by means of Restricted Village Auctions; and Building Licences were issued to convert private agricultural land for building purposes but gradually replaced by Land Exchanges (i.e. to surrender agricultural land for the re-grant of building land) from the early 1960's until introduction of the current Small House Policy in October 1972. It was not until the current New Territories Small House Policy came into effect in December 1972 that the Land Authority can make direct grant of government land or approve the conversion of self-owned agricultural land to allow indigenous villagers to build houses within the village environs under concessionary terms. Such houses are currently restricted to 700 square feet in area and three storeys with a maximum height of 27 feet. An indigenous villager is a male descendent of a villager who was the resident of a recognized village already existing in 1898. Each villager is only allowed one concessionary grant in his lifetime. Upon return of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China on July 1st, 1997, the traditional rights of indigenous villagers are protected under Article 40 of the Basic Law (a mini-constitution of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region). Also all N.T. leases have been extended for 50 years up to 2047. Owing to the escalating demand and spiral landed property prices in recent years, abuse of the N.T. Small House Policy has been reported in some areas and is a concern in some quarters. The Hong Kong Institute of Land Administration attempts to study the history that leads to the current rural housing policy in the New Territories with particular emphasis on the small house policy, hoping that some light can be shed on the "way forward" for such a controversial policy.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.123-144
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• 2006

Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.43
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• pp.149-175
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• 2015

There have been few researches about Christian imagination reflected in modern sijo. The purpose of this study was to provide basic information helpful to deeply understand Christian literature and clarify the history of Christian sijo literature. For this purpose, the study focused on pieces of sijo written by Seon Jeong-ju and Jang Sun-ha both of whom put out lots of sijo based on Christian imagination. The two poets are common in that they were born in the Japanese colonial period and started their career as a poet at an almost same time. First of all, how a sijo writer, Seon Jeong-ju applied Christian imagination to his pieces of sijo can be summarized as follows. As a poet and paster, Seon Jeong-ju wrote and published 6 volumes of sijo collection. His pieces of sijo were all written based on Christian imagination. Many of the pieces contain Christianity-related stories that were poetically represented through paradoxical imagination. Among pieces of sijo written by Seon Jeong-ju, some reveal enthusiasm for seeking after truth that he kept in mind as a clergyman and others, the poet's strong belief in the Resurrection. Next, Christian imagination that another sijo writer Jang Sun-ha reflected in his works can be briefed as follows. The poet published a sijo collection of his own in 2010. As one of the best representatives of the modern sijo circles, he is a veteran poet who is still creating pieces of sijo. Since he became a Christian in 1996, he has released more than 200 pieces of Christianity-based sijo including those contained in his sijo collection, "Introduction to Love Studies". Most of the Christian poets quoted words from the Bible or borrowed episodes described in the Book. In those poets, he uses imagination that is allusive to the confession of his faith and, in some cases implies his own views of eschatology. In conclusion, both Seon Jeong-ju and Jang Sun-ha wrote and published lots of sijo works on the basis of Christianity, and each of them built up his own world of Christian sijo. In many of the two poet's pieces of sijo, critical doctrines of Christianity and their desperate devotion to that religion are found. Both of them made remarkable poetic achievements, so they deserve being recognized as second to none in the history of Christian sijo literature.