• 동북아역사논총
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• no.59
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• pp.150-186
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• 2018

This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The paper discusses how the new EU Strategy towards Central Asia issued in May 2019 might be analyzed through the lens of the intensely debated transformations from the liberal to a post-liberal international order. The author claims that the EU's normative power is transforming from the post-Cold War predominantly liberal/ value-based approach, with democracy and human rights at its core, to a set of more technical tools and principles of good governance and effective management of public administration. The paper problematizes a nexus between the dynamics of the EU's nascent post-liberalism and the geopolitical challenges of the EU's growing engagement with illiberal regimes, focuses on direct encounters between the post-liberal EU and the illiberal elites in Central Asia, and seeks to find out the impact of these connections upon the EU's international subjectivity. In this context geopolitical dimensions of EU foreign and security policies, along with the specificity of the EU's geopolitical actorship in Central Asia, are discussed.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.5-25
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• 2009

Since the end of the 1950-1953 Korean War, many scholars and policymakers have expressed concern about the possibility of another conflict on the peninsula. In certain respects, the post-1953 North-South Korea relationship resembles the Cold War that existed between the United States and the Soviet Union, 1945-1990. Although a "hot" never occurred, peace was never guaranteed. By looking at international theories (i.e., realism and liberal theory) and by utilizing casual-loop diagram analysis, the main purpose of this research is to explore on the likelihood of peace and war on the Korean peninsula. First, several factors (e.g., economic stagnation of North Korea, unstable political systems, and so on) emphasized by realism perspectives are significantly related to the likelihood of conflict between North and South Korea. Conversely, several determinants (e.g., economic assistance to North Korea, inter-dialogue between two Koreas, cultural and social exchange, and so on) emphasized by liberal approaches are significantly related to likelihood of peace on the Korean peninsula. Given the two different interpretations about the likelihood of conflict or peace, it can be argued that a second military action might occur on the Korean peninsula if realism theories are true. However, if practical factors exist on the Korean peninsula, the two Korean can optimistically expect a peaceful reunification in the future, without interference from other countries.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.5
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• pp.881-901
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• 2012

Since 2006, heated debates have taken place on both sides of the Pacific over the historical accuracy of Yoko Kawashima Watkins's So Far from the Bamboo Grove, the "historical novel" that depicts the author's painful escape from the just-liberated Korean peninsula to Japan. This study re-visits the controversies that fired up not only the whole Korean society but also not a few Americans and the American press. However, unlike most previous Korean studies on this novel, this study mostly focuses on both the responses of Korean feminists and those of Americans and the American press to the issue. This paper argues that the Korean feminists, who criticized their male compatriots for their feverish reaction, have the same problem as their compatriots, that is, the problem of seeing through a binary perspective that drowns or blurs individual differences. A similar framework is found operating in the Boston Globe's articles on the same issue. This study proceeds to discuss the pitfalls of liberalism underlying the American parents' and the American civil organizations' defence of Watkins and analyzes their poor historical awareness. The conclusion of this study is that So Far from the Bamboo Grove, dictated by an ideological prolepsis, erroneously inscribes the Cold War in the geographical space of the pre-Cold-War Korean peninsula and, as a result, symptomatically participates in the United States' anti-Communist world view.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.20
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• pp.113-148
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• 2010

This paper examines the American role in shaping South Korean nation-building during the early Cold War by considering how the United States attempted to form South Korea's education and how Koreans responded to these efforts. It looks at education as an arena where "American" ideas such as democracy and liberalism were received, transformed, and utilized by Koreans. This study pays particular attention to the gap between American intentions and Korean expectations, as well as to the competition between American and Japanese systems, which explains the contradictory role America played in South Korean nation-building. In order to better assess the role of the United States in shaping South Korean education, this article considers the complex dynamics between the Japanese legacies, American influence, and Korean actors. Americans had exerted a great effect on Korean education since the beginning of their relationship. American missionaries, U.S. military government, and educational mission teams had all contributed to the expansion of educational opportunities for Koreans. Through the educational institutions that they established or helped establish, Americans tried to spread "their" ideas. In this process, Americans had to struggle with two obstacles: Korean nationalism and the legacies of Japanese colonialism. Many Koreans used American missionary schools for their own purposes and resisted U.S. military government's policies which ignored their desire for self-determination. American education missions had limited effect on Korean education due to the heterogeneous Japanese system that was still influencing South Korea even after liberation. The ways in which Americans have influenced the democratization of South Korea have not been simple. Although "American" democratic ideas reached Koreans through various routes, Koreans understood the "American" idea within their own historical context and in a way that fit their existing socio-political relations. Oftentimes suspicious of "American" democracy, Koreans developed their own concept of democracy. The overall American influence on Korean democratization, as well as on Korean education, was important but limited. While Americans helped Koreans build educational infrastructure and tried to transfer democratic ideas through it, Koreans actors and Japanese colonial legacies limited its impact.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.