• 영미문화
• /
• 제10권2호
• /
• pp.49-72
• /
• 2010

As the first of Philip Roth's recent series of novels that delve into American Cold War history deeply entwined with the post-war Jewish American experience, American Pastoral traces the tragic fall of a third-generation Jewish American named Seymour "Swede" Levov, whose dream of complete assimilation to the post-ethnic American paradise is irrecoverably disrupted when his young daughter blows up the local post office to protest against the Vietnam War. This essay proposes to examine Swede Levov's interrupted pursuit of the American dream by locating it within specific Cold War contexts and national imaginaries propagated particularly during the years from John F. Kennedy to Lyndon B. Johnson. In so doing, I will argue that Roth presents a paradoxical vision of Jewish American identity that could be acquired by performing perpetual self-effacement and submergence into the non-place of anonymity and doubleness, a mythic location of the post-ethnic Cold War American family. Levov's life becomes true part of the mythic narrative of American history when he realizes that his life, just like the nation's history, is a series of temporalities radically discontinued without any manageable detour ot divine bypass to cross over. Rather than indicating Roth's retraction from the postmodern understanding of subjectivity, the novel's historical realism, I will argue, serves to illuminate the postmodern conditions of American Cold War history and ethnic identity.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권36호
• /
• pp.5-32
• /
• 2015

Geopolitics or Political Geography is an essential academic field that should be studied carefully for a more comprehensive analysis of international security relations. However, because of its tarnished image as an ideology that supported the NAZI German expansion and aggression, geopolitics has not been regarded as a pure academic field and was rejected and expelled from the academic communities starting from the Cold War years in 1945. During the Cold War, ideology, rather than geography, was considered more important in conducting and analyzing international relations. However, after the end of the Cold War and with the beginning of a new era in which territorial and religious confrontations are taking place among nations - including sub national tribal political organizations such as the Al Quaeda and other terrorist organizations - geopolitical analysis again is in vogue among the scholars and analysts on international security affairs. Most of the conflicts in international relations that is occurring now in the post-Cold War years can be explained more effectively with geopolitical concepts. The post - Cold War international relations among East Asian countries are especially better explained with geopolitical concepts. Unlike Europe, where peaceful development took place after the Cold War, China, Japan, Korea, the United States, Taiwan and Vietnam are feeling more insecure in the post-Cold War years. Most of the East Asian nations' economies have burgeoned during the Cold War years under the protection of the international security structure provided by the two superpowers. However, after the Cold War years, the international security structure has not been stable in East Asia and thus most of the East Asian nations began to build up stronger military forces of their own. Because most of the East Asian nations' national security and economy depend on the oceans, these nations desire to obtain more powerful navies and try to occupy islands, islets, or even rocks that may seem like a strategic asset for their economy and security. In this regard, the western Pacific Ocean is becoming a place of confrontation among the East Asian nations. As Robert Kaplan, an eminent international analyst, mentioned, East Asia is a Seascape while Europe is a Landscape. The possibility of international conflict on the waters of East Asia is higher than in any other period in East Asia's international history.

• 동북아역사논총
• /
• 제59호
• /
• pp.150-186
• /
• 2018

이 글은 '진보주의자' 마루야마 마사오[丸山眞男]의 '냉전자유주의'를 해명함으로써 패전과 냉전 초기의 일본에서 영위된 진보적 자유주의의 실체를 해명한다. '민주'와 '평화'가 모색된 패전과 냉전 초기의 공간에서 일본의 자유주의가 냉전적 현실에 투사되는 양상을 마루야마의 리얼리즘과 내셔널리즘에 초점을 맞추어 분석한다. 마루야마의 냉전자유주의는 자유주의의 냉전적 존재양태와 냉전의 자유주의적 해석의 두 측면에서 파악할 수 있다. 자유주의의 냉전적 존재양태가 근대일본의 자유주의의 시간적 계승의 양상을 파악하는 것이라면, 냉전의 자유주의적 해석은 냉전 상황에서의 자유주의의 공간적 표출을 포착하는 것이다. 마루야마의 냉전자유주의는 내셔널리즘과 리얼리즘을 매개로 표현된다. 마루야마는 냉전적 현실에 대응하여 '민주'와 '평화'를 모색하는 과정에서 냉전 구조에서 생겨난 반공 논리에 근거한 새로운 형태의 파시즘을 비판하였고, 리얼리즘의 입장에서 평화를 모색하였다. 마루야마에게 냉전체제의 '두 개의 세계'를벗어나는 길이 '중립'과 '평화'였다면, 파시즘을 벗어나는 길은 '공평한 판단'과184 | 동북아역사논총 59호'자주적 결사'였다. 마루야마의 냉전자유주의에서 주체는 '시민'보다는 '국민'을지향하는 것이었고, 국민 형성을 지향하는 내셔널리즘은 '민주'와 '평화'를 위한조건이었다. 마루야마의 비판적 자유주의는 내셔널리즘과 리얼리즘을 매개로작동하였다.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권41호
• /
• pp.30-51
• /
• 2017

Neighboring powers in the Korean Peninsula have started to develop and operate aircraft carriers or equivalent forces to cope with rising North Korean nuclear and missile threats and also to show its national might. For example, the United States has added a aircraft carrier from the 3rd fleet to western pacific theater of operation, while Peoples Republic of China is undergoing operational test of Liaoning as well as preparing for christening of its 2nd aircraft carrier. Japan is flexing its muscle as well by deploying Izumo capable of operating F-35B to Southeast Asia to participate in multilateral exercises starting this year. It is a high time to know more about aircraft carriers or similar types in terms of maritime strategy and history. The U.S. has had by far the vast amount of experiences in utilizing aircraft carrier that it would be beneficial for us to examine U.S. perspectives and its application in the Korean Peninsula. It will provide us with insights to understand and predict what it would be like in times of crisis in the Korean Peninsula in the perspective of aircraft carrier's involvement. This paper intends to show some aspects of future conflicts in the Korean Peninsula and how the ROK Navy can best be ready for such situation. For research purpose, U.S. maritime strategy has been developed in stages ; establishment phase, WWI phase, WWII phase, Cold war phase, post Cold war phase. Each phase includes such factors as threats, strategic concept, applications, and ways to improve maritime strategy. Finally, the role of aircraft carrier based on past history as well as future conflict shines the importance to have power projection capabilities for the ROK Navy. The intrinsic nature of the navy in the world is to project power ashore just as history proved it.

• 이베로아메리카
• /
• 제13권1호
• /
• pp.41-67
• /
• 2011

El Salvador had suffered some 75,000 casualties, mostly civilian, from violent civil conflict(1980-92). In 1992, after negotiations, the government and FMLN signed a historic comprehensive peace accord which brought an end to the war and instituted wide-reaching political and social reforms. Many scholars call it as Transitional Justice in El Salvador. Transitional Justice in El salvador has had two identifiable stages. In the First stage, institutional reforms, such as DDR(disarmament, demobilization, reintegration), and a truth commission were implemented. The second phase corresponds to the period subsequent to the truth commission report, with the failure to implement the commission's recommendations, including those related to reparations and justice. This essay explain how was transitional justice in El salvador different from the other cases, and what was the purpose of extraordinary transitional justice in El Salvador. In detail, the first section of this essay examines the history of the civil war and peace process in El Salvador, and then explores the relationships between cold war and transitional justice in El Salvador. Finally, this essay suggests that truth commission's mandate which investigate 'serious acts of violence that have occurred since 1980' was very important role to accomplish peace and transitional justice in El Salvador.

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제12권1호
• /
• pp.7-47
• /
• 2020

This article is a sub-section of a comparative analysis of depictions of violence in Jakarta's Museum of the Indonesian Communist Party's Treachery, Ho Chi Minh City's War Remnants Museum, and Phnom Penh's Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum. In comparing these public history sites, I analyze how memories of mass violence were central to state formation in both Suharto's anti-Communist New Order (1966-1998), the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (1976-present), and Cambodia since the collapse of Democratic Kampuchea (1979-present). While this comparison points out specific distinctions about the role of the military, the nature of revolution, and conceptions of gender, it argues for a central similarity in the use of a mythology of victimization in building these post-conflict nation-states. This article focuses on my gendered analysis of the use of images of women and children in each museum. Depending on context and political purpose, these museums cast women as tragic victim, revolutionary heroine, or threat to the social order. My analysis of gender places stereotypical images of violence against women (the trope of women and children as the ultimate victims) in conversation with dark fantasies of women as perpetrators of savage violence and heroic images of women liberated by participation in violence.

• 융합보안논문지
• /
• 제19권2호
• /
• pp.157-162
• /
• 2019

전쟁의 본질은 전쟁에 대한 개념뿐만 아니라 전쟁의 목적을 비롯하여 본질, 속성, 성격 등을 포함하고 있으며, 이러한 것을 이해하지 못하고서는 전쟁의 원인을 명확하게 규명할 수 없다. 인류의 역사와 더불어 시작된 전쟁은 다양한 목적을 달성하기 위해 발발하였다. 본 연구의 목적은 전쟁시 외세개입 방법과 전쟁의 근본적인 원인을 분석하고자 했다. 연구방법은 미국과 영국 등의 사회학자들의 주장과 연구 등 문서연구 방법으로 진행하였다. 연구결과, 다양한 전쟁의 목적으로 인해 전쟁에 대한 원인을 찾아내기가 단순하지는 않다. 본 연구에서는 제2차 세계대전 이후 지구상에서 발생하고 있는 지역분쟁의 원인에 대하여 주로 분석하였다. 각 지역별 소규모 분쟁과 새로운 형태의 전쟁의 원인을 규정지으려는 대부분의 논문에서 보고되는 지역적 구조적 설명들이 전적으로 믿을 만한 것은 아니지만, 국내적 요소와 외부적 요소들이 복잡하게 뒤얽혀있고 냉전이 내전을 격화시켜왔다는 주장은 명백한 사실이다. 이 연구 자료는 최근 한번도의 안보상황을 분석 및 연구하는데 기초자료로 도움을 줄 것이다.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제58권5호
• /
• pp.881-901
• /
• 2012

Since 2006, heated debates have taken place on both sides of the Pacific over the historical accuracy of Yoko Kawashima Watkins's So Far from the Bamboo Grove, the "historical novel" that depicts the author's painful escape from the just-liberated Korean peninsula to Japan. This study re-visits the controversies that fired up not only the whole Korean society but also not a few Americans and the American press. However, unlike most previous Korean studies on this novel, this study mostly focuses on both the responses of Korean feminists and those of Americans and the American press to the issue. This paper argues that the Korean feminists, who criticized their male compatriots for their feverish reaction, have the same problem as their compatriots, that is, the problem of seeing through a binary perspective that drowns or blurs individual differences. A similar framework is found operating in the Boston Globe's articles on the same issue. This study proceeds to discuss the pitfalls of liberalism underlying the American parents' and the American civil organizations' defence of Watkins and analyzes their poor historical awareness. The conclusion of this study is that So Far from the Bamboo Grove, dictated by an ideological prolepsis, erroneously inscribes the Cold War in the geographical space of the pre-Cold-War Korean peninsula and, as a result, symptomatically participates in the United States' anti-Communist world view.

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제12권2호
• /
• pp.81-118
• /
• 2020

Despite its centrality at a pivotal crossroads of both land and sea of East-West trade, communications and travel, the region now known as Southeast Asia provides very few scholarly works situating or featuring it in an international context. Because of this paucity, there is immense scope for exploration. But prior to further explorations, justification is needed to establish that Southeast Asia, as a region, is a subject of interest, relevance, and significance in a global context. Southeast Asia was home to several empires whose reach transcended the region and beyond. Southeast Asia in, and as part of international history as an area of study is therefore justifiable. Moreover, other factors come into play, viz. geography, resources, migration, diffusion of ideas and beliefs from without and accommodation from within, shared experience of imperialism and colonialism, decolonization, and the Cold War, and the collective fate under the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), that further bolster its rationalization as a component of international history. Explorations, on the other hand, examine issues and obstacles that contribute to the paucity of works on Southeast Asia in international history. Furthermore, in contextualizing Southeast Asia in international history, there might appear challenges that need to be identified, confronted, and resolved.

• 기록학연구
• /
• 제23호
• /
• pp.257-297
• /
• 2010

미국 정부는 생산하고, 수집하고, 보관하는 정보를 비밀로 분류 관리하는 오랜 역사를 가지고 있다. 독립 이전 식민지 시기에는 특별한 법적 권위 없이 주로 관례적으로 정보에 대한 비밀유지와 접근 제한을 공공연히 행했고, 미국 최초의 헌법으로 간주되는 연맹규약 (Articles of Confederation)의 제정과 연이어 미국헌법 (United States Constitution)이 수립되면서 부터는 명명된 입법적 권위에 기대어 기록의 비밀유지가 행해졌다. 그러나 미국의 비밀기록 체계가 그 기본적인 틀이 형성되기 시작한 것은 미국이 1차 세계대전에 가담하면서 부터였고, 중요한 군사적 외교적 비밀문서의 급증이라는 현실적 요구의 반영이기도 했다. 2차 세계대전을 겪으면서 원자력 개발과 이후 소련과의 냉전체제의 성립은 미국으로 하여금 비밀기록 체계를 한층 강화시키는 계기가 되었고, 이때의 구상은 현재 미국의 비밀기록관리의 정착으로 이어진다. 미국의 비밀기록관리 체제는 특화된 전문 법안 없이 현재까지 냉전시기에 제정된 비밀기록관련 입법적 근거와 일련의 변화를 거듭하는 대통령령(Executive Order)에 의해 관리된다고 볼 수 있다. 이 글은 미국 초기의 역사에서부터 냉전시기까지 미국의 전반적인 비밀기록관리체제를 검토하고자 한다. 이를 위해 미국의 비밀기록관리의 역사를 세 시기로 구분하여 고찰한다: 비밀기록관리의 전통 수립 시기(식민지 시대 ~ 1차 세계대전 직전); 비밀기록 관리체제의 구축 시기 (1차 세계대전 ~ 2차 세계대전 직전); 비밀기록 관리체제의 현재적 구상 시기 (2차 세계대전 ~ 냉전시기). 이러한 시기 구분의 척도는 각 시기가 비밀기록 관련 법령들과 비밀기록관리의 실제 적용방식에 있어 드러낸 차별성이다.