• 수완나부미
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.81-118
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• 2020

Despite its centrality at a pivotal crossroads of both land and sea of East-West trade, communications and travel, the region now known as Southeast Asia provides very few scholarly works situating or featuring it in an international context. Because of this paucity, there is immense scope for exploration. But prior to further explorations, justification is needed to establish that Southeast Asia, as a region, is a subject of interest, relevance, and significance in a global context. Southeast Asia was home to several empires whose reach transcended the region and beyond. Southeast Asia in, and as part of international history as an area of study is therefore justifiable. Moreover, other factors come into play, viz. geography, resources, migration, diffusion of ideas and beliefs from without and accommodation from within, shared experience of imperialism and colonialism, decolonization, and the Cold War, and the collective fate under the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), that further bolster its rationalization as a component of international history. Explorations, on the other hand, examine issues and obstacles that contribute to the paucity of works on Southeast Asia in international history. Furthermore, in contextualizing Southeast Asia in international history, there might appear challenges that need to be identified, confronted, and resolved.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.127-145
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• 2022

Vaccine diplomacy is a manifestation of competition for political influence among great powers amidst the Covid-19 pandemic's blatant illustration of ineluctable interdependency across the global community. The reinforcement of trends bolstering global polity construction intensify concomitantly with nationalist populist value and attitude expressions increasing political polarization. The interdependency graphically illustrated in the Cold War-era's mutual assured destruction incentivized competition into indirect competitive intervention in the internal politics of third actors. Indirect international influence contestations included extended, de facto challenge competitions to generate soft power on behalf of the victor, e.g., the space race. The Covid-19 pandemic has intensified this competition to offer alternative development models while intense domestic political polarization undermines the mobilizational capacities for achieving sustainable development. In contrast to multinational and multiethnic states, nation states have an inherent mobilizational advantage because of the enhanced control capabilities available to the authorities without emphasizing coercion. Control through Gramscian hegemonic mechanisms is more readily feasible in nation states through the greater feasibility of commodification of social relations by states authorities regulating and channeling social competition to encourage social mobility and creativity. The regulation of the so-called private sector serves to manage and contain social competition while channeling it to develop the institutional capacities for control and allocation of developing societal human resources. It enhances developed state control mechanisms and international influence capacities. The appeal of offers of aid and assistance to the so-called developing world becomes ever more urgent amidst Anthropocene crises including its most recent, current Covid-19 pandemic disaster.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.107-125
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• 2018

This paper aims to elucidate the historical significance and issues about DPRK-Japan relations in terms of the Korean Peninsula-Japan relations. The first issue is the 'Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea', and DPRK-Japan relations during the Cold War. The Relations Order between the Korean Peninsula and Japan, of 1965 ("65 Order), was closely linked with inter-Korean relations. The second issue is a critical re-interpretation of previous studies on the Stockholm agreement. Previous studies have focused on analyzing the question "Why did North Korea and Japan agree to Stockholm?", In other words, what was the intention of North Korea and Japan in Stockholm? This paper adds to raise the question of "How Did the Stockholm can be agreed?", to critically review the analysis performed by the previous studies. Through the analysis of this question, this paper reveals that the relationship between North Korea and Japan is on the qualitative change. And, based on this analysis, this paper argue that the South Korean government should attempt more active engagement and deploy more comprehensive approach to improve the relationship between North Korea and Japan.

• 수완나부미
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.59-83
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• 2019

The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

• 영어영문학
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• 제56권6호
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• pp.1339-1360
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• 2010

An analogical reading of socio-historical context of Harold Pinter's The Caretaker employs some postcolonial discursive analyses of postimperial British capitalistic interests in their post war reconstruction. It is also concerned with causes of so-called broken society. The Caretaker dramatizes minimal actions: a tramp is invited by the elder brother; a job as caretaker is offered; he is reluctant to accept the first offer by the elder brother, but is willing to the second by the younger; eventually, he is excluded because he makes noises while dreaming. These trivial actions produce serious and critical speech acts with their socio-historical implications. The tramp Davies is socially and thereby existentially excluded from the centre of the cold, banished to even colder peripheries. The audience face to the question. Why is Davies excluded? This study tries to answer the question, uncovering deep-rooted capitalistic racism, and reading its symptoms. Even after 50 years The Caretaker was staged, post-imperial broken society tries to operate the betrayals of disparity between the cause and effect of what has gone wrong. Pinter confirms that the action of the play takes place in a house in west London. With the city of London as its capitalistic centre, British imperialism lavished much of its wealth which has only served sectional interests dividing people against themselves. Pinter dramatizes the root of broken society. On the one hand, Pinter foregrounds the very general conflicts between individuals and forms of power; on the other hand, he underlies the very specific strategies of socio-historical exploitation, domination and exclusion.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.202-209
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• 2023

In the 21st century, the dualistic worldview of the Cold War era collapsed and we entered an era of new creation and fusion. The fusion of different designs between East and West, the design activities of traditional clothing from the past, the use of new materials that are continuously being developed, and the mixing of unique items are being conducted in various fields. However, research is being conducted by combining fusion characteristics with hair. In addition, the period is short and the amount of research is small. Therefore, this study analyzed hairstyles of fusion images shown in hair collection using data of Juno Hair collection from 2013 to 2022 as analysis data and examined types of fusion images shown in the work of folk images, mixed images, and future images. Oriented images were divided into three categories and analyzed. In this study, we added Results of such research can be used not only as data for predicting future fashion trends, but also as basic data for exploring new design developments. In future research, it is expected that convergent research will be conducted, such as analyzing fusion images from an integrated perspective.

• 시큐리티연구
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• 제28호
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• pp.153-179
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• 2011

한국은 국제사회에서 미국의 9${\cdot}$11로 인하여 테러리즘의 위협을 인식하기 이전부터 북한에 의한 국가지원 테러리즘의 직접적인 피해 국가였다. 그리고 한국을 대상으로 한 북한의 국가지원 테러리즘은 시기적으로 과거 미국과 소련에 의한 동서냉전체제와 그 흐름을 함께하고 있다. 이는 구소련으로부터 정치, 경제, 사회, 군사 등의 지원으로 북한에 단독 정부를 수립한 김일성이 선택한 정치이념인 사회주의가 프롤레타리아 혁명을 완성하기 위한 수단으로 테러리즘을 정당화하고 있기 때문이다. 북한의 국가지원 테러리즘은 북한 군부에 의해 체계적이고 효율적으로 운영되고 있으며, 한국을 대상으로 한 테러리즘을 자행할 뿐만 아니라, 제3세계 국가에 대테러전술과 요원을 파견함으로써 국제사회에 큰 우려를 낳고 있다. 이러한 현실 속에서 한국을 대상으로 한 테러리즘은 미국의 9${\cdot}$11을 기점으로 새로운 전환점을 맞이하였다. 미국의 9${\cdot}$11이후, 한국 정부는 미국과 서방국가에 의한 대테러전쟁을 지지하여 파병을 결정하였다. 이로 인하여 한국을 대상으로 한 테러리즘 위협이 북한뿐만 아니라, 아랍 테러범과 테러조직으로 확산되는 결과를 초래하였다. 이에 한국 정부, 학계, 그리고 실무집단등에서 다양한 논의와 대책방안을 모색하고 있지만, 그 피해는 확산되고 있는 추세이다. 이 연구는 미국의 9${\cdot}$11이후, 한국의 해외진출기업을 대상으로 한 테러리즘을 연도, 국가, 종교, 피해대상, 피해유형, 목적, 공격무기 등을 중심으로 논의하였다. 이를 통하여 향후, 해외에서 한국을 대상으로 발생 가능한 테러리즘을 전망하고자 한다. 현재 한국 기업은 세계 전역에 다양한 분야에 진출하여 한국의 민간 외교사절, 그리고 경제적 이익과 고용을 창출함으로써 국익에 막대한 도움을 주고 있다. 또한 해외에서 왕성하게 활동하고 있는 기업, 기업인, 근로자 등의 재산과 생명에 대한 국가와 기업의 역할을 재조명하고자 한다.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제16호
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• pp.107-137
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• 2013

This paper examines a number of Korean artists-Whanki Kim, Po Kim, Byungki Kim, Lim Choong-Sup, Min Byung-Ok and etc-working in New York in the 1960s and 1970s, focusing on their motivations to head for the U.S. and their life and activity in the newly-emerged city of international art. The thesis was conceived based upon the fact that New York has been one of the major venues for Korean artists in which to live, study, travel and stay after the Korean War. Moreover, the United States, since 1945, has had a tremendous influence upon Korea politically, socially, economically, and, above all, culturally. This study is divided into three major sections. The first one attends to the reasons that these artists moved out of Korea while including in this discussion, the long-standing yearning of the Korean intelligentsia to experience more modernized cultures, and American postwar cultural policies that stimulated them to envision life beyond their national parameters, in a country heavily entrenched in Cold War ideology. The second part examines these artists' pursuit of abstraction in New York where it was already losing its avant-garde status as opposed to the style's cutting edge cache in Korea. While their turn to abstraction was outdated from New York's critical perspective, it was seen to be de rigueur for Koreans that had developed through phases from Art Informel in the 1960s to Dansaekhwa (monochromatic paintings) in the 1970s. The third part focuses on the artists' struggle while caught between a dualistic framework such as Korea/U.S, East/West, center/margin, traditional/modern, and abstraction/figuration. Despite such dichotomic frames, they identified abstract art as the epitome of pure, absolute art, which revealed their beliefs inherited from western modernism during the colonial period before 1910-1945. In fact, their reality as immigrants in America put them in a diasporic space where they oscillated between the fixed, essentialist Korean identity and the floating, transforming identity as international artists in New York or Korean-American artists. Thus their abstract and semi-abstract art reflect the in-between identity from the diasporic space while demonstrating their yearning for a land of political freedom, intellectual fulfillment and the continuity of modern art's legacy imposed upon them over the course of Korea's tumultuous history in the twentieth century and making the artists as precursor of transnational, transcultural art of the global age in the twenty-first century.

• 해양환경안전학회지
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.61-67
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• 2004

20세기 중반이후 항법 시스템의 개발동기 및 유지는 군사적인 전술목적에 있었다고 말할 수 있다. 제2차 세계대전 이후 미소간의 냉전기간 중에도 양국은 각기 대응되는 첨단 항법시스템을 경쟁적으로 개발구축하여 왔다. 이러한 시스템들은 점차 군사목적 외에 일반에 공개되어 국가간 물류(物流)의 이동과 같은 경제 수송 활동에 있어 핵심역할을 담당하고 있다. 항법시스템은 크게 지상계시스템과 위성계시스템으로 나눌 수 있다. 지상계시스템의 대표적인 시스템은 로란-C(Long Rmge Navigation)이고, 위성계시스템의 대표적인 시스템으로 GPS를 말한다. 로란-C 시스템은 미국, EU, FERNS(Far East Radionavigation Service)둥 전 세계 국가 해상 및 육상에서 많이 이용한 시스템이지만, 현재는 그 역할을 위성항법 시스템인 GPS 및 DGPS가 많은 부분을 차지하고 있다. 위성계시스템의 획기적인 발전에 따라 지상계 중장거리 측위장치로는 유일하게 세계적으로 운영되고 있는 로란-C의 운영이용자의 감소와 더불어 로란-C항법장치의 역할에 대한 논란이 대두되고 있어 로란-C 항법 시스템의 실태와 활용방안에 대해 조명해보고, 우리나라 로란-C의 올바른 발전방향에 대해서 논의한다.

• 시큐리티연구
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• 제14호
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• pp.549-567
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• 2007

9.11 테러 이전에는 동남아시아는 상대적으로 테러의 무풍지대로 인식되어 왔다. 그러나 2000년대에 들어서면서 테러의 새로운 중심지로 부상하고 있다. 9.11 테러 이후 국제사회는 동남아시아의 테러단체와 알카에다의 관계에 대해 주목하면서 동남아시아가 알카에다를 포함한 수많은 테러조직의 본거지로 변모할 가능성에 대한 분석을 내놓기 시작했다. 전문가들 역시 동남아시아가 테러의 태동지이며, 화약고였던 중동지역에 못지않은 알카에다의 주요 활동지역이며, 앞으로 동남아시아에서 이슬람원리주의 테러조직과 연계된 테러조직의 활동이 더욱 커질 것 이라 지적해 왔다. 알카에다와 강한 테러 네트워크를 구성하고 있는 제마 이슬라미아, 그리고 아부 사에프 그룹 등과 같은 테러조직의 활동이 강화되고 있으며, 국제 교류와 국제간의 주요 무역로인 해상 수송을 위협하는 해적행위 등으로 인해 동남아시아는 새로운 테러의 중심지로 등장하고 있는 상황이다. 전 세계가 테러에 대한 공포로 시달리고 있는 상황에서 동남아시아에서의 테러리즘 확산은 주목할 만한 현상이며, 깊은 연구가 필요할 것이다. 이에 따라 본 연구의 목적은 동남아시아의 테러리즘에 대한 자료를 분석함으로써, 동남아시아가 새로운 테러의 진원지로 등장할 가능성을 전망하는 데 있다.