• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.36
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• pp.399-422
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• 2006

Whether to reduce the current 'screen quota' for domestic films in conjunction with the FTA discussions between Korea and the United States is one of the hotly debated issues in Korea. Using Toulmin's Argumentation Model, this study attempts to trace the use of data and warrants for each pro and con claims as portrayed in newspaper editorial columns and to find its rhetorical significance. A total of 67 editorial columns were collected from 9 nationwide news dailies in Korea for the purpose. The rhetorical analysis of those articles showed that the major warrants used in each pro and con opinion were absent of the potential issues of the opponents, which inherently fails to invite rebuttals from the opposite sides. This conceptual wall in each argumentation models implies an inactive conversation and subsequent absence of clash between the pro and con argumentation fields. It is thus suggested for opinion writers to find more adequate evidences to support the data and warrants to hold persuasive power of their respective claims, ultimately to enhance the public discourse among citizens.

• Journal of Korean Society of Transportation
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• v.20 no.7
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• pp.15-22
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• 2002

Transportation project appraisal should be precise in order to increase the social welfare and efficiency, and it has been evaluated by only a single criterion analysis such as benefit/cost analysis. However, this method cannot assess some qualitative items, and cannot get a proper solution for the clash of interests among various groups. Therefore, the multi-criteria analysis, which can control these problems, is needed, and then Saaty has developed one of these methods, AHP(Analytic Hierarchy Process) method. In AHP, the project is evaluated through weighted score of the criteria and the alternatives, which is surveyed by a questionnaire of specialists. It is based on some strict suppositions such as reciprocal comparison, homogeneity, expectation, independence relationship between multi-criteria, but supposing that each criterion has independence relation with others is too difficult in two reasons. First, in real situation, there cannot be perfect independence relationship between standards. Second, individuals, even though they are specialists of that area, do not feel the degree of independence relation as same as others. This paper develops a modified AHP method for solving this dependence relationship between multi-criteria. First of all. in this method, the degree of dependence relationship between multi-criteria that the specialist feels is surveyed and included to the weighted score of multi-criteria This study supposes three methods to implement this idea. The first model products the degree of dependence relationship in the first step for calculating the weighted score, and the others adjust the result of weighted score from the basic AHP method to the dependence relationship. One of the second methods distributes the cross weighted score to each standard by constant ratio, and the other splits them using Fuzzy measure such as Bel and Pl. Finally, in order to validate these methods, this paper applies them to evaluate the alternatives which can control public resentments against Korean rail path in a city area.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.229-258
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• 2023

For the main countries of the Asia-Pacific region, the United States, China and Russia, a situation of "new normality" is emerging. Moreover, for each of the countries, this "new normality" has its own meaning. For the United States, this is an aggravation of the military confrontation with China in the Taiwan Strait. For China, this is an increase in the degree of rivalry with the United States and a slowdown in the pace of economic development with a very high probability of their decline in the future. For Russia, this is an almost complete curtailment of relations with the United States against the background of a special military operation and imposed sanctions. These nuances, in addition to the results of the 20th CPC Congress, will determine the main trends in Sino-American and Sino-Russian relations. It seems that China's attitude towards Russia will not change against the background of the Ukrainian crisis. Beijing will maintain a position of "benevolent neutrality" towards Moscow. At the same time, the balance between "goodwill" and "neutrality" may vary depending on the scope of Sino-Russian cooperation. For example, in the economic sphere, Chinese companies will be afraid to cooperate with Russian partners for fear of secondary sanctions. However, in general, Russia will retain its importance for China as the strongest anti-American pole. In relations with the United States, China will continue to firmly defend its interests, while at the same time not excluding the normalization of relations with Washington in certain areas of cooperation: strategic stability, non-traditional threats, ecology, etc. In general, the decisions of the 20th CPC Congress do not allow us to say either in favor or against the idea of China's readiness to resume dialogue with the United States in the post-congress period. Sino-American relations, as noted above, have their own logic and will probably continue to develop within its framework. However, so are Sino-Russian relations. Within the framework of these logics, Beijing seems to continue to balance between the two vectors of its foreign policy. On the one hand, this is the development of bilateral cooperation with Russia in order to strengthen its own negotiating positions in the confrontation with the United States: military cooperation with an emphasis on joint exercises, political cooperation based on anti-Americanism, economic cooperation with an eye to the risks of secondary sanctions. On the other hand, it is unacceptable for China to recognize the collapse of Ukraine, the inadmissibility of a direct military clash with the United States and the extreme undesirability of further aggravation of relations with the United States on the factor of Chinese friendship with Russia.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.253-263
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• 2023

This study explored the discrepancy between the text of a teacher's guide about straight and reflective light and the content knowledge of pre-service elementary teachers. A total of 455 questions and 543 answers generated by 279 pre-service elementary teachers after reading a 'Shadow and Mirror' unit in the teacher's guide were analyzed. The questions were classified according to the types of concepts and discrepancies, and the answers were analyzed for accuracy. The results of analyzing the concepts of questions revealed that the pre-service elementary teachers were most curious about the shadow in the straight concept, the mirror image in the reflection concept, and the light source in other concepts. The questions with a low correct answer rate due to incorrect- or non-answers, such as those concerning the superposition principle of light by reflection, the principle of experimental tools, and images by lenses, were only partially or not included in the teacher's guide. When the questions were classified according to the type of discrepancy, the frequency of questions due to knowledge deficit was higher than that due to knowledge clash. This demonstrates that the concepts that teachers need to know must be supplemented with the contents of the teacher's guide. Discrepancies due to knowledge clashes are often caused by conflicts between what is experienced in everyday life and what is presented in textbooks. Therefore, it is necessary to reduce the discrepancy between the texts of the teacher's guide and the knowledge of pre-service elementary teachers by including the differences between the actual context of everyday life and the context of the textbook in the teacher's guide.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.65-86
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• 2024

This study delves into the geopolitical tensions surrounding Ukraine throughout modern European history, aiming to shed light on its significance in geopolitical discourse. Since the 19th century, European powers, particularly the Anglo-Saxons and Germans, have formulated distinct geopolitical strategies concerning the Eurasian continent, with Ukraine at its focal point. The Crimean War and the German-Soviet War serve as key events to analyze these powers' geopolitical ambitions and interests. The British Empire, driven by its doctrine of thwarting land powers with sea power, intervened in the Crimean War against Russia. Its objective was to disrupt Russian dominance over Ukraine, thereby hindering Russian expansion into the Black Sea and Central Europe. On the other hand, the Third Reich of Germany, fixated on creating a European sphere exclusive from Anglo-Saxon sea powers and the Russian land power, initiated the German-Soviet War. This move aimed to secure a vast territory, including Ukraine, to facilitate expansion into the Caucasus and establish a buffer zone against the Soviet Union. Three key insights emerge from this analysis. Firstly, the absence of a dominant power rooted in Ukraine since the fall of the Principality of Kiev made geopolitical clashes inevitable. Secondly, these clashes ultimately result in a hollow victory for all involved parties, signifying the high costs and minimal gains of such confrontations. Lastly, the root cause of these clashes lies in the discord between exclusive geopolitical visions that fail to accommodate sustainable coexistence among diverse geopolitical spheres. In essence, the study underscores Ukraine's pivotal role in shaping European geopolitics and highlights the recurring clashes driven by competing visions of dominance and control over its territory. From the Crimean War to the German-Soviet War, the struggle for influence over Ukraine reflects broader geopolitical dynamics and the pursuit of strategic advantage by major powers. Ultimately, the study emphasizes the enduring significance of Ukraine in European geopolitics and the complexities inherent in managing its geopolitical tensions.