• Language and Information
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.1-14
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• 2002

This paper discusses so called the non-DP subject constructions in English. In general, a subject is a DP that bears Nominative case and that occupies 〔Spec, IP〕. However, in some examples under investigation, it looks as if non-DP categories such as Prepositional Phrases(PP), Adjectival Phrases(AP), Adverbial Phrases (AdvP), Small Clauses (PreP or SC), and VP occupy the canonical subject position, 〔Spec, IP〕. Under the framework of Chomsky's (1993, 1995) along with his previous works (Chomsky 1981, 1986), the Case Checking mechanism undoubtedly assumes that only DPs can have Case Therefore, the Case Checking/Agree mechanism is stated such that the strong uninterpretable feature, in this case Case feature (D or NP) feature must be checked off in a certain manner. Therefore, any phrasal categories other than DPs are not included in the considerations. Nonetheless, there are many instances of non-DP categories in English that occupy the seemingly canonical subject position, 〔spec, IP〕. In this paper, it is proposed that the actual position of these non-DP subjects in English is not in Spec of IP. Rather, they occupy 〔Spec, TopP〕 under CP in the sense of Lasnik & Stowell (1991), Rizzi (1997), and Haegeman & Gueron (1999). In its effect, therefore, this paper extends the idea of Stowell (1981) who argues that the clausal subjects in English is not in 〔Spec, IP〕, but in 〔Spec, TopP〕. We further argue that Stowell's version of Case Resistance Principle must be extended in order to accomodate many more occurrences of so called non-DP subjects.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.109-132
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• 2003

This paper argues that AGREE and Multiple AGREE are not distinct, and they are constrained by a single Minimality condition. It is argued, contra Chomsky (2001) and Hiraiwa (2000), that Multiple AGREE takes place not simultaneously but sequentially on the basis of a Minimality Condition. That makes it possible to assimilate Multiple AGREE to AGREE.

• 제어로봇시스템학회:학술대회논문집
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• 1987.10b
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• pp.699-701
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• 1987

This paper deals With the EMG signal processing to apply the EMG signal to the Prosthetic arm. The EMG signals are generated by the voluntary contractions of the subject's musculature and is coded into binary words by the pulse width modulation. Command strings or sentences are constructed by concatenating several words, and are syntactically described by a context free grammar in Chomsky normal form and is tried to classify the movement pattern by the CYK algorithm.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Cognitive Science Conference
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• 2000.06a
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• pp.133-137
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• 2000

구문태그가 부착되지 않은 코퍼스를 사용하여 문법규칙의 확률을 훈련하는 비통제 학습(unsupervised learning) 방법의 대표적인 것이 CNF(Chomsky Normal Form)의 CFG(Context Free Grammar)를 입력으로 하는 inside-outside 알고리즘이다. 본 연구에서는 의존문법을 CNF로 변환하는 기법에 대해 논하고 의존문법을 위해 변형된 inside-outside 알고리즘을 논한다. 또한 이 알고리즘을 사용하여 실제 훈련한 결과를 보이고, 의존규칙과 구문구조 확률을 같이 사용하는 hybrid방식 구문분석기에 적용한 결과를 보인다.

• Journal of KIISE:Software and Applications
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• v.26 no.10
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• pp.1247-1259
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• 1999

본 논문에서는 한국어 문장형성원리를 간결하게 제시할 수 있도록 X-바 이론의 중심어 개념을 도입한 한국어 자질기반 문법을 제안한다. 제안하는 문법은 어절에 관계없이 나타나는 한국어의 문법현상을 명확히 설명할 수 있도록 어절 대신 형태소를 기본단위로 한다. 그리고, 한국어의 구문범주가 지닌 의미정보와 기능정보를 자질을 이용하여 독립적으로 표현하며, 구문범주간의 결합관계를 바탕으로 하는 자질연산을 수행하여 문장을 분석한다. 또한, 한국어의 부분자유어순과 생략현상에 대해 견고하게 분석할 수 있도록 자질연산을 이진결합중심의 CNF(Chomsky Normal Form)로 제한한다. 이렇게 구성된 한국어 자질기반 문법은 규칙을 직관적이고도 간단하게 기술하며, 한국어의 다양한 문장들을 견고하게 분석한다. SERI Test Suites 97과 신문기사에서 746문장을 추출하여 실험한 결과 94%~99%의 적용율을 보였다.Abstract In this paper, we propose a Korean feature-based grammar(KFG) which adopts the X-bar theoretic notion of headedness for a precise representation of Korean syntactic structure. In order to explain various language phenomena in a given sentence, we use not the word but the morpheme as a constituent unit of KFG. We use features manifesting both the syntactic information and the semantic information of Korean syntactic categories, and feature operations based on the association relationship between two categories. In addition, we restrict feature operations to CNF(Chomsky Normal Form) binary form, which provides a robust representation for properties in Korean such as the frequent ellipsis and the partial free-order. The KFG is intuitive, simple, and versatile in representing most Korean sentences. The experimental result shows 94%~99% coverage on 746 sentences extracted from SERI Test Suites 97 and newspaper sentences.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.168-178
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• 2019

In this paper I discuss a more complicated case of 'It'-Extraposition in English in the Optimality Theory [1] by further modifying and extending the analysis done in Khym (2018) [2] in which only the 'relatively' simple cases of 'It'-Extraposition such as 'CP-Predicate' was dealt with. I show in this paper that the constraints and the constraint hierarchy developed to explain the 'relatively' simple cases of 'It'-Extraposition are no longer valid for the more complicated cases of 'It'-Extraposition in configuration of 'CP-V-CP'. In doing so, I also discuss two important theoretic possibilities and suggest a new view to look at the 'It'-Extraposition: first, the long-bothering question of which syntactic approach between P&P (Chomsky 1985) [3] and MP (Chomsky 1992) [4] should be based on in projecting the full surface forms of candidates may boil down to just a simple issue of an intrinsic property of the Gen(erator). Second, the so-called 'It'- Extraposition phenomenon may not actually be a derived construction by the optional application of Extraposition operation. Rather, it could be just a representational construction produced by the simple application of 'It'-insertion after the structure projection with 'that-clause' at the post-verbal position. This observation may lead to elimination of one of the promising candidates of '$It_i{\ldots}[_{CP}that{\sim}]_i$' out of the computation table in Khym [2], and eventually to excluding the long-named 'It'-Extraposition case from Extrsposition phenomena itself. The final constraints and the constraint hierarchy that are explored are as follows: ${\bullet}$ Constraints: $^*SSF$, AHSubj, Subj., Min-D ${\bullet}$ Constraint Hierarchy: SSF<<>>Subj.>> AHSubj.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.629-649
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• 2001

This paper aims to provide an account for the English anaphors under the framework of the recent development of minimalism (Chomsky 1999, 2001). I propose that the anaphor has the uninterpretable [a] feature. The Agree operation erases the [a] feature by feature match. Once the [a] is deleted, the derivation converges, providing a proper interpretation of the anaphor. When there is no matching phi-features, the [a] cannot be eliminated, inducing the derivation to crash. The Agree operation can account for not only the typical local binding cases in English but the apparent long-distance binding cases in the picture-DP and expletive constructions. Consequently, the traditional concept of the binding domain and dichotomy between local and long-distance types are abandoned in favor of the analysis under the framework of minimalism. The minimalist accounts thus maximally simplifies the binding principles, using the general operation Agree only.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.145-162
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• 2001

The operation Move is defined in Chomsky (1999, 2000) as a composite operation consisting of three components: Agree, Identify and Merge, taking Agree as a necessary condition for Move. Therefore, I call this definition of Move as the Agree-based Move. In this paper, I argue that the Agree-based approach to Move cannot be maintained; I claim that the Selection-based approach to Move, in which the EPP-feature is analyzed as an s-selectional property of a head, offers a more natural account of the sentences under consideration. I believe that the three components of Move as defined in (6) happen to co-occur in the derivation of certain sentences, as the composite transformation called Passivization does in the derivation of a passive sentence like “the city was destroyed by the enemy.” On the basis of these observations, I conclude that Agree and Move should be regarded as separate computational operations; the task of Agree is to erase uninterpretable features of both probe and goal, and that of Move is to satisfy the EPP-feature, which should be taken as an s-selectional feature.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Language and Information Conference
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• 2002.02a
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• pp.205-216
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• 2002

ECM across a CP in Korean poses difficulties from the standpoint of the locality of A-movement/agreement. A phase-based analysis is developed which requires two steps: (i) in the embedded CP, VP/VP containing its VP-internal subject first moves to Spec-CP, which renders the subject accessible to the matrix v, in accordance with Chomsky's Phase Impenetrability Condition; (ii) ECM takes place in a local relation between the matrix v and the embedded subject. It is shown that the otherwise puzzling fact that ECM across a CP, but not Passivization across a CP, is affected by the type of the embedded verb in Korean is accounted for in a principled way, based on the assumption that CP and CP, but not TP and VP, are phases.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.255-280
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• 2003

The present paper will argue what can be considered to be principled elements of the initial state S/sub 0/ of the Faculty of Language, which are called the Interface Condition (IC), and how far we can take the strongest minimalist thesis (SMT), which aims to offer principled explanation of language in terms of IC and the principle of efficient computation, to linguistic analysis. We will discuss implications of label-free phrase structures, required by the strong version of the Inclusiveness Condition, and possibilities of crash-free syntax, required by the condition of efficient computation. I will point out problems of Chomsky's assumption that an externally Merged expletive there is a head, which, as a probe, undergoes agreement with the goal T. I will present several advantages we obtain if we maintain A and A' distinction, and assume that wh-movement to the outer [SPEC, υ] is an A'-movement like wh-movement to [SPEC, C].