• 마케팅과학연구
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.262-268
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• 2010

虚拟社区(virtual community, VC)今年来发展迅速, 越来越多的人参与到虚拟社区中交换信息和分享观点. 虚拟社区是通过计算机布告板和网络进行非面对面的知识和语言交流的一种大众集合体. B2C电子商务网站虚拟社区则是商业性的虚拟社区, 通过培养信任环境来促进消费者在该网站的购买行为. B2CVC通过信息交流, 如推荐, 评论, 买者与卖者评级等, 来建立社会性的氛围. 目前, 虽然学术界已经认识到B2CVC的重要性, 但是关于社区成员的口碑传播行为的研究还不充分. 本研究提出了一个理论模型, 探讨在B2C网站社区中参与度, 满意度, 信任度, 粘度和口碑传播之间的关系. 本研究的目的有三个: 1, 通过整合信念, 态度和行为的测量来实证检验B2C网站社区模型; 2, 更好地理解各因素对口碑传播的影响关系; 3, 更好地理解B2C网站社区黏度在CRM营销中的作用. 研究模型包含以下要素: 1, 社区成员的信念变量, 通过参与度来测量; 2, 社区成员的态度变量, 通过满意度和信任度来测量; 以及3, 社区成员的行为变量, 通过网站黏度和口播传播意愿来测量. 参与度是消费者在虚拟社区的参与动机. 对于社区成员来说, 信息的查找和发布是他们参与到社区的主要目的. 满意度是成员对社区整体评价的重要指标, 反映了成员与社区的交互程度. 虚拟社区的形成与发展依靠成员分享信息和服务的自愿程度. 研究者已经发现信任是促进匿名交互的关键, 因此构建信任被看作是虚拟社区的重要研究课题. 此外, 虚拟社区的成功依靠成员的粘度来提高购买潜力. 社区成员间的观点交流和信息交换代表一种 "写作式" 的口碑传播. 因此口碑传播是推动B2C虚拟社区在互联网上扩散的主要因素之一. 研究模型及假设如图一所示. 本研究通过实证调查中国携程旅游网虚拟社区成员来验证模型. 数据收集过程中共发放243份问卷, 其中有效问卷204份. 通过实证数据验证了参与度, 满意度和信任度影响粘度和口碑传播之间的假设关系. 结构方程模型(SEM)方法用来进行数据分析. 模型的拟合指数结果为χ2/df 是2.76, NFI是 .904, IFI是 .931, CFI是 .930, 以及RMSEA是 .017. 结果表明, 参与度对满意度具有显著的影响(p<0.001, ${\beta}$=0.809). 参与度可以解释满意度的方差比例超过50%, 调整R2为0.654. 参与度对信任度具有显著影响(p<0.001, ${\beta}$=0.751), 解释率为57%, 调整R2为0.563. 此外, 满意度对黏度的影响显著(${\beta}$=0.514), 但是信任度对黏度的影响并不显著(p=0.231, t=1.197). 黏度对口碑传播的影响显著, 且解释率超过80%, 调整R2为 0.846. 总之, 研究结果支持了大部分的研究假设, 但是信任度显著影响粘度的假设没有得到支持. 本研究丰富了电子商务网站虚拟社区的学术研究成果, 深入探讨了在B2C电子商务环境下的用户信念, 态度和行为等因素. 研究成果有助于实践者进行更有针对性的资源开发和市场开拓. 网络营销人员可以针对B2C网站社区来有针对性地制定营销策略, 如对于国际旅游业务, 营销人员可以针对中国的B2C网站社区用户开展营销活动, 如为活跃的用户提供特殊折扣以及为早期参与者提高社区黏度定制营销计划等. 未来的研究应该拓展社区成员行为的研究, 并在不同的行业, 社区和文化背景下开展研究.

• 마케팅과학연구
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.269-277
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• 2010

现有文献表明, 影响服务业顾客忠诚的最重要因素是服务质量. 然而, 在服务质量是直接还是间接影响顾客忠诚方面, 学者们的观点有着明显的分歧. 目前, 中国国内专门针对移动通信行业服务质量与顾客忠诚之间关系的文章较少. 此外, 以往相关文献多是将顾客忠诚作为一个整体变量进行研究, 没有进一步将其细分为多个维度. 基于此, 本文拟通过实证研究来探析移动通信业服务质量各维度与顾客忠诚各维度之间的直接和间接影响机理, 其中选择顾客满意作为二者关系的中介变量, 希望研究结论能给国内移动通信企业的服务管理提供有效的理论指导. 为了使搜集到的数据有效, 本次调研范围仅限于黑龙江哈尔滨市, 调查对象为移动通信公司的用户. 本次调研采取随机抽样的方式, 共发放问卷350份, 收回问卷325份, 回收率为 92.9%. 剔除无效问卷, 有效问卷为289份, 即有效回收率为82.6%. 本文借鉴国内外现有文献所使用的量表, 这些量表已经在实证研究中得到验证. 本文提出六个假设, 总体而言, 只有四个假设没有得到支持. 为了验证服务质量构成要素量表的合理性, 本文对289份有效样本进行探索性因子分析. 同样, 对顾客忠诚的维度进行检验. 本研究采用Cronbach's ${\alpha}$系数来评价量表的信度. 本研究从内容效度, 结构效度和聚合效度三方面对问卷进行效度检验. 本研究对数据和模型的拟合优度进行检验, 以提高假设检验的准确程度. 通过文献资料的收集, 整理及数据处理, 本文提出了服务质量五维度模型以及服务质量与顾客忠诚度之间相互关系模型, 通过实证分析验证了有形性, 可靠性, 反应性, 保证性和关怀性是服务质量的五个构成要素, 验证了PZB对于服务质量的SERVQUAL的测量方法, 研究了移动通信服务质量各维度对顾客忠诚各维度的直接影响机理, 以及服务质量各维度如何通过顾客满意这一中介变量对顾客忠诚各维度的间接影响机理, 建立了相应的关系模型,并运用结构方程分析方法,对模型进行实证检验, 得出如下研究结论: 第一, 移动通信服务质量由有形性, 可靠性, 响应性, 保证性和移情性五个要素构成, 顾客忠诚由态度忠诚和行为忠诚两个维度构成. 在PZB设计的SERVQUAL量表基础上, 本文针对移动通信行业设计了服务质量测量量表, 通过探索性因子分析得出五个因子. 这五个因子与五构成要素基本一致, 说明服务质量五要素概念适用于移动通信行业. 同样, 对顾客忠诚量表进行因子分析, 得出两个因子, 与本文中的态度忠诚和行为忠诚相一致. 第二, 移动通信服务质量对顾客忠诚存在直接和间接的正向影响作用. 其中, 服务质量对态度忠诚有直接和间接的正向作用, 间接作用是通过顾客满意这一中介变量影响的; 服务质量对行为忠诚有直接和间接的正向作用, 间接作用是通过顾客满意和态度忠诚这两个中介变量影响的. 这说明移动通信服务质量越好, 顾客的满意度越高, 其对服务提供商的态度就越积极, 在行为上就越容易表现出对服务提供商的忠诚. 而且, 服务质量各维度对顾客忠诚各维度的影响机理是不同的, 比如: 有形性对顾客满意有直接的正向作用, 但对顾客忠诚却没有显著的直接作用; 保证性对顾客满意没有显著的直接作用, 但对顾客忠诚有直接和间接的正向作用. 第三, 顾客满意在移动通信服务质量与态度忠诚, 行为忠诚之间的具有显著的中介作用, 这说明服务质量的提高可以增加顾客的满意度, 而满意的顾客更容易成为忠诚的顾客; 而态度忠诚在移动通信服务质量与行为忠诚之间的具有显著的中介作用, 这说明顾客行为上表现出忠诚可能是虚假忠诚, 只有态度和行为都忠诚的顾客才是真正的忠诚顾客. 本文的研究结论对中国及其它国家的电信运营商如何提升服务质量有一定的借鉴意义. 本文存在两方面的局限性: 首先, 本研究仅在黑龙江哈尔滨地区进行问卷调研, 针对移动公司用户, 统计数据会存在一定的抽样误差, 影响最终的统计分析结果. 第二, 本研究主要探讨了服务质量对顾客忠诚的影响关系, 并引入了顾客满意作为中介变量, 但没有考虑其他可能影响顾客忠诚的因素, 例如顾客价值, 消费者特征等.

• 농업과학연구
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.61-73
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• 1983

경지(耕地)의 이용율(利用率)을 높이면서 식량작물(食糧作物)의 증산(增産)을 위하여 현행작부체계(現行作付體系)를 개선(改善)할 기초자료(基礎資料)를 얻고자 충남지방(忠南地方)을 도시근교(都市近郊)(대덕(大德) 천원군(天原郡)), 평야지역(平野地域)(논산(論山) 당률군(唐律郡)), 해안지역(海岸地域)(서산(瑞山) 보령군(保寧郡)), 및 산간지역(山間地域)(공주(公州) 청양군(靑陽郡))으로 구분(區分)하여 각(各) 지역별(地域別)로 10호(戶)의 농가(農家)를 선정(選定) 계(計)400호(戶)의 농가(農家)에 대(對)하여 1982년(年)에 재배(栽培)한 전답(田沓)의 작부양식(作付樣式)과 그 이용(利用) 상황(狀況)을 조사분석(調査分析)하였는데 그 결과(結果)를 다음과 같이 요약(要約)한다. 1) 밭의 평균이용율(平均利用率)은 161.9%이었는데 평야지역(平野地域)은 188.9%로 그 이용율(利用率)이 가장 높았고 도시근교(都市近郊)는 152.0%로 가장 낮았다. 2) 밭에서 재배(栽培)된 작목수(作目數)는 32종(種)이었는데 밭의 총식부면적중(總植付面積中) 콩의 재배면적(栽培面積) 비율(比率)이 18.8%로서 가장 높았고 다음은 보리가 15.4%, 고추는 13.1% 그리고 배추가 10.1% 등이었으나 도시근교(都市近郊)에서는 고추, 평야지역(平野地域)과 해안지역(海岸地域)에서는 콩, 산간지역(山間地域)에서는 보리의 재배면적비율(栽培面積比率)이 가장 높았다. 3) 논의 평균이용율(平均利用率)은 115.6%이었는데 도시근교(都市近郊)는 140.0%로 그 이용율(利用率)이 가장 높았고 해안지역(海岸地域)은 108.2%로서 가장 낮았다. 4) 논에서 재배(栽培)된 작목수(作目數)는 12종(種)이었는데 수도(水稻)를 제외(除外)하면 보리의 재배면적(栽培面積)이 가장 넓어서 총식부면적(總植付面積)의 5.0%를 차지하고 있으며 다음은 딸기가 4.0%이었으나 도시근교(都市近郊)에서는 딸기, 기타지역(其他地域)에서는 보리의 재배면적(栽培面積)이 가장 넓었다. 5) 밭의 작부유형(作付類型)은 1년(年)1작형(作型)과 1년(年)2작형(作型)으로 나타났는데 1년(年)2작형(作型)은 다시 작물간(作物間)의 조합(組合)에 따라서 38형(型)으로 분류(分類)되며 기중(其中) 대맥(大麥)+대두형(大豆型)의 재배면적(栽培面積)은 1년(年)2작면적(作面積)의 35.0%를 차지하고 있으나 도시근교(都市近郊)에서는 이 형(型)의 재배면적(栽培面積)이 좁은 반면(反面) 채소류간(菜蔬類間)의 조합면적(組合面積)이 넓었다. 6) 논의 1년(年)2작형(作型)은 다시 6개형(個型)으로 나뉘는데 수도(水稻)+맥류형(麥類型)의 재배면적(栽培面積)이 1년(年)2작면적(作面積)의 42.8%로 가장 높은 비율(比率)을 차지하고 있으나 도시근교(都市近郊)에서는 이 형(型)의 재배면적(栽培面積)이 좁고 수도(水稻)+과채류(果菜類)의 재배면적(栽培面積)이 가장 넓었다. 한편 답이작면적(沓裏作面積)은 1년(年)2작면적(作面積)의 76.3%로서 답전작면적(沓前作面積)보다 현저히 넓었다. 7) 밭의 작부조합(作付組合)에 있어서는 동과(同科) 또는 근록작물(近綠作物)로서 윤작특성(輪作特性)이 근사(近似)한 작물간(作物間)의 불합리(不合理)한 재배조합면적(栽培組合面積)이 19.09ha에 달(達)했다. 8) 밭에서의 식량작물(食糧作物) 재배면적(栽培面積)은 88.92ha인데 반(反)하여 채소류(菜蔬類)는 93.70ha, 그러고 공운작물(工芸作物)이 21.80ha로서 식량작물(食糧作物)의 재배면적(栽培面積)이 채소류(菜蔬類)의 재배면적(栽培面積)보다 좁았다. 9) 1910년(年)부터 1980년(年)까지 연구보고(硏究報告)된 보문중(報文中) 1134건(件)을 분석(分析)한 결과(結果) 우리나라에서의 작부(作付) 체계(體系)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究)는 답이작중심(沓裏作中心)으로 이루어졌고 연구(硏究) 목적(目的)은 14개(個)로 분류(分類)할수 있었는데 파종기(播種期), 파종량(播種量), 시비량(施肥量), 이식기(移植期), 작휴법(作畦法), 파종방법(播種方法) 및 품종선발(品種選拔) 시험(試驗) 등이 대부분(大部分)이었다.

• 한국문헌정보학회지
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• 제17권
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• pp.11-47
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• 1989

This study intends to examine the background and the procedure of the carving of the tablets of the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock­Lock(재조대장목록). the time and the route of the moving of the tablets. into Haein-sa, and the contents and the system of it. This study is mainly based on the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock. But the other closely related materials such as restored first. edition of the Dae- Jang-Mock-Lock, Koryo Sin-Jo-Dae-Jang-Byeol-Lock (고려신조대장교정별록). Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (개원석교록). Sok-Kae­Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (속개원석교록). Jeong-Won-Sin-Jeong-Seok-Kyo­Lock(정원신정석교록), Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock(속정원석교록), Dea-Jung-Sang-Bu-Beob-Bo-Lock(대중상부법보록), and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock(경우신수법보록), are also analysed and closely examined. The results of this study can be summarized as follows: 1. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana(고려대장경) was carved for the purpose of defending the country from Mongolia with the power of Buddhism, after the tablets of the first edition in Buin-sa(부이사) was destroyed by fire. 2. In 1236. Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(대장도감) was established, and the preparation for the recarving of the tablets such as comparison between the content, of the first edition of Tripitalk Koreana, Gal-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae­Jang-Kyeong and Kitan Dae- Jang-Kyeong, transcription of the original copy and the preparation of the wood, etc. was started. 3. In 1237 after the announcement of Dae-Jang-Gyeong-Gak-Pan-Gun­Sin-Gi-Go-Mun(대장경핵판군신석고문), the carving was started on a full scale. And seven years later (1243), Bun-Sa-Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(분사대장도감) was established in the area of the South to expand and hasten the work. And a large number of the tablets were carved in there. 4. It took 16 years to carve the main text and the supplements of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, the main text being carved from 1237 to 1248 and the supplement from 1244 to 1251. 5. It can be supposed that the tablets of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, stored in Seon-Won-Sa(선원사), Kang-Wha(강화), for about 140 years, was moved to Ji-Cheon-Sa(지천사), Yong-San(용산), and to Hae-In-Sa(해인사) again, through the west and the south sea and Jang-Gyeong-Po(장경포), Go-Ryeong(고령), in the autumn of the same year. 6. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana was carved mainly based on the first edition, comparing with Gae-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae-Jang-Kyeong(개보판대장경) and Kitan Dae-Jang-Kyeong(계단대장경). And the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock also compiled mainly based on the first edition with the reference to Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. 7. Comparing with the first edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock, in the second edition 7 items of 9 volumes of Kitan text such as Weol-Deung­Sam-Mae-Gyeong-Ron(월증삼매경론) are added and 3 items of 60 volumes such as Dae-Jong-Ji-Hyeon-Mun-Ron(대종지현문논) are substituted into others from Cheon chest(천함) to Kaeng chest(경함), and 92 items of 601 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added after Kaeng chest. And 4 items of 50 volumes such as Yuk-Ja-Sin-Ju-Wang-Kyeong(육자신주왕경) are ommitted in the second edition. 8. Comparing with Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Cheon chest to Young chest (영함) of the second edition is compiled according to Ib-Jang-Lock(입장록) of Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. But 15 items of 43 vol­umes such as Bul-Seol-Ban-Ju-Sam-Mae-Kyeong(불설반주삼매경) are ;added and 7 items of 35 volumes such as Dae-Bang-Deung-Dae-Jib-Il­Jang-Kyeong(대방등대집일장경) are ommitted. 9. Comparing with Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, 3 items of the 47 volumes (or 49 volumes) are ommitted and 4 items of 96 volumes are ;added in Caek chest(책함) to Mil chest(밀함) of the second edition. But the items are arranged in the same order. 10. Comparing with Dae- Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock, the arrangement of the second edition is entirely different from it. But 170 items of 329 volumes are also included in Doo chest(두함) to Kyeong chest(경함) of the second edition, and 53 items of 125 volumes in Jun chest(존함) to Jeong chest(정함). And 10 items of 108 volumes in the last part of Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock are ommitted and 3 items of 131 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added in the second edition. 11. Comparing with Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, all of the items (21 items of 161 volumes) are included in the second edition without ;any classificatory system. And 22 items of 172 volumes in the Seong­Hyeon-Jib-Jeon(성현집전) part such as Myo-Gak-Bi-Cheon(묘각비전) are ommitted. 12. The last part of the second edition, Joo chest(주함) to Dong chest (동함), includes 14 items of 237 volumes. But these items cannot be found in any other former Buddhist catalog. So it might be supposed as the Kitan texts. 13. Besides including almost all items in Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and all items in Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo­Beob-Bo-Lock, and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock includes more items, at least 20 items of about 300 volumes of Kitan Tripitaka and 15 items of 43 volumes of traditional Korean Tripitake that cannot be found any others. Therefore, Tripitaka Koreana can be said as a comprehensive Tripitaka covering all items of Tripitakas translated in Chinese character.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제25권1호
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• pp.13-47
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• 1975

대나무류(類)는 열대방지(熱帶方地)에서 총생(叢生)하는 대형(大型)의 대나무가 많고, 온대(溫帶)가 되면 소형(小型)의 세류(笹類)로 퇴화(退化)하여, 그 종류(種類)는 세계(世界)에 50속(屬) 1,000여종(餘種)이나 있다고하여 그 종류수(種類數)는 대단(大端)히 많다. 이와 같은 대나무는 동양(東洋)에서는 건엽용(建葉用)과 공예용(工藝用)으로 이용(利用)되고있으며, 또한 죽순(竹筍)은 식용(食用)으로서 특유(特有)한 맛이있어 상용(賞用)되고있을 뿐만아니라 최근(最近)에는 세류(笹類)의 액즙(液汁)이 암(癌)에도 효과(効果)가 있다고 하여 중요(重要)한 산업(産業)으로서 발달(發達)하게되었다. 그리고 동남아(東南亞)에서는 삽목(揷木)으로서 용이(容易)하게 증산(增産)하여 pulp재(材)로 사용(使用)하게되여 대단(大端)히 중요시(重要視)하고있다. 이와같이 대나무는 인류생활(人類生活)에 필요부가결(必要不可決)한 목본식물(木本植物)이지만 아직까지 그 형태(形態)의 분류(分類)가 명확(明確)하게 되어 있지 않고 지연되여 있는 형편이다. 18세기(世紀) 중반기(中半期)의 Linne시대(時代)에 들어와서 생식기관(生殖器管)을 주체(主體)로 한 그 형태(形態)의 분류체계(分類體系)가 만들어진 이래(以來) 수정(修正)이 거듭되여온 바 있으나 대나무는 개화(開花)가 일정(一定)한 주기(周期)가 있어서 60-120년(年)의 기나긴 세월(歲月)이 소요(所要)되기 때문에 그의 형태적(形態的) 분류체계(分類體系)를 완성(完成)하는일은 극(極)히 어려운 일이었다. 오늘날까지 대나무에 관(關)한 많은 문헌(文獻)이 있기는 하나 그 시료(試料)가 적기때문에 불확실(不確實)한 기재(記載)도 많이있었고 속(屬)이 변경(變更)된것도 간혹(間或)있어서 그것을 공인(公認)할수 없는 것이 많이 있다. 그래서 내부(內部)의 형태적(形態的)인 분류(分類)에 관(關)하여는 근년(近年)에 이르러 중국(中國)의 Liese씨(氏)에 의(依)하여 겨우 시작(始作)이 되였으며, 또한 독일(獨逸)의 Grosser씨등(氏等)이 유관속(維管束)의 형태(形態)에 착안(着眼)하여 새로운 형태(形態)의 분류(分類)를 시도(試圖)한바있다. 그러나 이들의 이 형태(形態)에 관한 분류(分類)는 Holttum의 자방(子房)의 형태(形態)에 의(依)한 분류(分類)와 밀접(密接)한 관계(關係)가 있는것 뿐이었다. 따라서 필자(筆者)는 유관속초(維管束鞘)의 형태(形態)에 의(依)해 자유중국산(自由中國産)의 대나무 11속(屬) 26종류(種類)를 재료(材料)로하여 대나무의 형태(形態)에 관(關)한 분류체계(分類體系)에 대(對)하여 재고(再考)를 시도(試圖)하여 보았다. 그 결과(結果) Grosser씨(氏) 등(等)의 형태(形態)의 분류(分類)와 일부(一部)는 일치(一致)하였으나, Bambusa와 Dendrocalamus는 분류(分類)하기가 곤란(困難)하였던 것을 고립유관속초(孤立維管束鞘)의 존부(存否)로서 명확(明確)히 구별(區別)할수있었고 또한 종류(種類)가 많은 Bambusa를 2개(個)의 형(型)으로 나눌수가 있었다. 따라서 이 결과(結果)는 앞으로 아속(亞屬)이나 혹(或)은 절(節)로서의 분류(分類)로서 고려(考慮)되여야 할 문제(問題)라고 생각한다. 왜냐하면 이 근거(根據)는, 죽간(竹稈)의 최외층(最外層)에서 최내층(最內層)으로 향(向)하여 변화(變化)하고있는 형태(形態)에 착안(着眼)하여, 그 분화적(分化的)인 면(面)을 관찰(觀察)하였기 때문이다. 이 형태적(形態的)인 분화(分化)에 관(關)한 관찰(觀察)은 형태분류(形態分類)의 철칙(鐵則)인 "간단(簡單)한 것에서 복잡(複雜)한 것으로 진화(進化)한다"라고하는 철칙(鐵則)에 있어서도 충분(充分)히 조사(調査)하여 보았는데, 그 결과(結果)는 생식기관(生殖器官)의 형태적분류(形態的分類)와 대조(對照)하여 결정(決定)되어야 할 것이며, 금후(今後)의 문제(問題)로서 계속연구(繼續硏究)할까 생각한다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.